T
EX Licr:'.s
ST. BASIL'S SCMULASTiCATE
No 2L7 ^/*oyp
6f'
t/^
■C*-
f^
SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
AND HIS LEGEND
9i'
SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
AND HIS LEGEND.
by
NINO TAMASSIA "^C? '
PROFESSOR OF THE HISTORY OF LAW
and of
ECCLESIASTICAL LAW
in the
UNIVERSITY OF PADUA.
r^
.iT
i^^V
TRANSLATED IN TO ENGLISH
With a short Preface
by
LONSDALE RAGG.
«l
LONDON
T. FISHER UNWIN
MCMX
MAR - 9 1553
^^
t-^^-V
^o
AUTHOR'S PREFACE
THE disciples of Karl Miiller, and those also who have
ever in mind the neatly expressed lines of Leon Le Mon-
nier's book, will doubtless find many deficiencies in these
researches of mine. And the readers of the Vie de
S. Francois, carried away by Paul Sabatier's charm of
style and elegance of conception, will find the present
work over-weighted with notes and disfigured with excess
of raw material. But I may be permitted to observe, on
the other side, that the very special character of the study
here presented to the reader demanded a compromise — a
compromise between erudition and criticism ; between the
claims of the expositor's art, and the necessity pf giving
due place to the actual proofs, which here are all-important.
The mere citation of the titles of works written on
Franciscan subjects would of itself have offered material for
a book ; and it is obvious that he who would speak of
the Saint of Assisi must patiently question history in her
various departments — civil, religious, dogmatico-theological,
juridical and literary — and still more patiently listen to the
answers she has to give. But the difficulties do not end
there. Generally speaking historians, and still more jurists,
have no reputation for keeping their immediate audience
awake when they proceed to hold forth ; yet suffer from
the strange illusion that their wares may be acceptable to
folk outside the little circle to which they themselves be-
long. These very true and just considerations I have borne
6 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
in mind all along ; and the fact of my constant endeavour
to avoid these pitfalls has itself been the reverse of help-
ful, for so the work, in addition to its other disadvantages
may have suffered also from the hesitation of its author.
We are so close to Saint Francis that a humble confes-
sion — even of scruples of conscience — is an honorable and
a congenial task.
For many years past, in connexion w^ith certain investi-
gations which have no direct relation to the Franciscan
movement, I had been collecting and putting aside a series
of data which coordinated themselves, as it were, sponta-
neously, and mutually illustrated one another.
And then, lifting my gaze higher, I seemed to discern,
far off but shining clear, the gentle figure of the " Poverello
d'Assisi". No one had directed me to him... I considered.
To make sure of the most delicate lines of the apparition
I must climb higher still, not leaving my old track. There
intervened the mist of Thomas of Celano's Legend, insi-
dious and dense : but I had already possessed myself of
one secret. That which drew others down from the path
served me as guide.
So was the book brought to birth ; and it makes no
claim that its lowly origin should be forgotten. Errors and
defects it doubtless has ; long-winded discussions, un-
necessarily tortuous, were not always avoidable : in any
case I know they are to be found in it. Such misfortunes
are not incurred by those who take pains to note them
in the pages of others. If an author has his head, so to
speak, in the right place, he is himself the severest judge
of his own work ; hence I do not claim immunity from
any form of criticism. Indeed, I believe I shall be found
AUTHOR'S PREFACE 7
in perfect agreement with all my critics, when I acknow-
ledge that I may be wrong in many points, but not in the
idea of a critical study of the Franciscan Legend free from
every sort of preconception.
Sacred are the rights of Truth : we cannot deny them
to him who incarnates the idea of evangelical simplicity
and superhuman candour.
And now one last word of warning. If I am not
mistaken, these researches prove that the Franciscan Legend
in its multiform complexity cannot be disjoined from the
truly great work of Thomas of Celano. The Saint's bio-
grapher has drawn, from certain sources which we shall
learn to know, both inspiration and material for his work.
With a minimum of conscience and an immense degree
of talent he has presented to the Order the real Specu-
lum Perfectionis, the Book par excellence of the Franci-
scan Society. Having decomposed this legend into its
constituent elements and demonstrated that the two " Lives "
betray a profound acquaintance with the dogmatic litera-
ture relating to monastic institutions and with the most dif-
ficult religious questions of the times, it seemed to me
unnecessary to confute one by one the arguments adduced
by Sabatier to defend the authenticity of that "oldest
Legend " by him attributed to Brother Leo — a Legend
which owes its originality and its fame to Sabatier him-
self. The entire book, directed as it is to the establishing
of Celano' s part in the formation of the Legend of the
Saint, is a continuous refutation of the preconception of
which the distinguished French writer, and not a few
others with him, have been the victims. Moreover the
certainty with which the true sources of Celano' s narrative
could be indicated, rendered practically superfluous any
8 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
preliminary research into the mutual relations between the
various existing forms of the Legend itself. For us those
critical studies, long and laborious, on the origin and pa-
rentage of the MSS. and their different dates, have lost
their historical value. When, for instance, we know that
a fragment of Gregory the Great, or of the "Vitae pa-
trum " passes from Celano into the Actus, the Fioretti,
the so-called Speculum Perfectionis, or the " Lives of the
Companions" of Saint Francis, and so on, the historical
interest, which depended on the supposed originality of
the narrative, is gone for ever.
If one wished to write the history of certain famous
gems, there would need to be a separate chapter devoted
to each of the artistic objects in which, during the course
of centuries, those stones have shone. But such labour
becomes useless if a most accurate examination permits us
to assert of a single stone that it passed from a cross to
a sceptre, thence to a reliquary, and from the reliquary to
a ring. Such have been the fortunes — if I may so put
it — of much of the Franciscan Legend. It shines, indeed,
down the ages ; and if its brilliance does not always il-
lumine the dark period which saw the rise of that loveliest
creation of art, the "Italian Christ", it yet holds the
secret of his success.
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE
THE translator, as such, may be accused of presump-
tion if he pose also as critic. Yet his task is one
which, if his mind be awake, stimulates and feeds the
critical faculty in a measure greater than that enjoyed by
the mere reader. For he needs must linger over every
page and ponder on each phrase unless he would run
the risk of betraying his trust, and proving traditore instead
of traduttore. In one sense, indeed, his attitude would
seem to be far enough removed from that of the critic ;
for if there be a "sincerer flattery " than that which
expresses itself in "imitation", it is surely that of the
translator, for whose task originality itself is yoked to the
plough and made subservient to the mind of another.
Yet it is impossible (be it said with all modesty) that
any two minds should think exactly alike in all details,
and besides the loyalty which the translator owes to his
original, there is a loyalty also due to himself ; and all
the more if he have given, and be pledged to give again,
on his own account, literary hostages to fortune. For this
reason the present writer is particularly grateful to the
Author and the publisher for the permission to prefix a
few words of his own to the translation of a work of
which his genuine appreciation makes him glad to be the
means of introducing it to a new circle of readers.
There can be but few, even among experts who are
qualified to criticise from an equal stand point a work so
10 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
full of acumen and so thoroughly furnished with the
sinews of a wide and deep erudition. The Author's pro-
fessional line of study has made him familiar — one might
almost say uniquely familiar — with a vast and little-known
literature : and he has brought the artillery of his lear-
ning to bear on the subject with a skill, and in a volume
which, if it do not win him victory all along the line,
cannot, at any rate, fciil to capture important points of
vantage. In his own Preface he tells us the story of the
Book's genesis. Steeped in the hagiographical literature
of the pre-Franciscan Age, he found himself thinking, as
it were, unconsciously, in terms of Franciscan legend : and
the fact itself gave food for thought, and became, indeed,
the germ of the present study.
In the same Preface the Author invites, and calls for,
candid criticism, as indeed does every page of his work,
with its formidable array of authorities referred to, and
often cited verbally, in the foot notes. If the Translator
may for once trespass beyond his province, and accept
the Author's genial challenge, he would fain suggest two
points from which might well start such candid criticism
as the Author himself invites.
First, as to the fonti. The Book displays, from first to
last, a sincere and zealous effort to trace back this and
that phrase or incident to its original source. And this is
one of its most important and valuable features. But the
Translator cannot wholly free himself from a lurking sus-
picion that in this matter due weight may not always
have been given to the thirteenth-century knowledge of
the Bible itself. That heretical movement which figures
so largely in the following pages was admittedly marked
by an intense devotion to the Holy Scriptures, and a
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE 11
remarkable familiarity with that vernacular Bible which
was one of its most precious fruits. And if, as we know
to be the case, the orthodox layman Dante Alighieri pos-
sessed a knowledge of the Old and New Testaments which
might put to shame not a few Protestants of today ; why
should not the learned cleric Thomas of Celano have
enjoyed a like familiarity with the sacred texts ? If this
be so, may it not be unnecessary, where the "First" or
"Second Life" quotes some well known passage from the
Gospels or Epistles, to adduce a previous quotation of the
same source from St. Gregory, or Cassian, or Caesarius
of Heisterbach ? ' It is however, of course possible that
the passage in question, though known directly to Celano,
was in the particular instance called to mind in virtue of
its secondary association. And furthermore this criticism
even if stringently applied, would touch but a few details
of the argument, which is built on a very broad basis.
There remains another suggestion which has some bear-
ing on the central argument of the Book. The admitted
plagiarisms of Celano — how do they affect one's view of
the supposed facts of Saint Francis' life ? If in describing
an incident assigned to that life the biographer can be
proved to be employing the very words of the Gregorian
Dialogues or of Sulpicius Severus, does that necessarily
prove that the incident itself is borrowed ? . . . that it has
no rightful place in the biography of the Saint of As-
sisi ? Is there not, on the contrary, an irresistible impulse
even for the modern biographer to describe the most solemn
moments of his hero's life in terms derived from the
I classic he loves best, and most of all from Holy Scripture,
I I owe sincere thanks to Prof. Tamassia for permission to add a Scripture
reference to several of the notes. L. R.
12 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
that unique repository of thoughts and phrases that are of
age-long and world-wide applicability ? The Age and
School for which Celano wrote had a larger Bible than
ours, for it included, practically the whole cycle of hagio-
logical tradition.
But we may go one step further. If a word or an
incident (miraculous or otherwise) attributed to St. Francis
can be shewn to have been anticipated exactly in the
writings of earlier biographers all down the series, begin-
ning, it may be with the Gospels themselves . . . does that
prove that the thing happened but once ? Is it not rather
true that a necessary similarity, both in word and in act,
in to be expected of those who in successive centuries set
themselves to copy a single model? The Saints are above
all imitatores Christi, alike in legend and in the aim of
their own actual lives : and in proportion as their imitation
is faithful and successful, their lineaments will become
assimilated to one another, and their biographies lend them-
selves to reciprocal plagiarism.
Such thoughts as these are almost inevitably suggested
by the trend of the argument. With such reservations as
they imply, we believe that the Author will be found to
have proved his point. His main point, after all, is the
central position of Celano' s work in the formation of the
Franciscan Legend, and the very large dependence of that
work on certain definite earlier sources. With this falls to
the ground the originality and independent historical value
of Sabatier's "Speculum"; the inimitable Fioretti are
shewn to be exceedingly composite in character, and the
whose perspective of Franciscan study is materially altered.
Let those who are competent criticise at their leisure the
details of the argument, with the help of the ample material
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE 13
which the Author has so generously provided in his foot-
notes. The least that can be said of the work here pre-
sented in an English dress to students of Franciscanism, is
that it marks a new stage in the progress of that study,
and will have to be reckoned with by all who write thereon
in the future.
L. R.
CHAPTER I
SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI AND HIS AGE
Principal sources : S. Bernardi abb. Clarae Vail. Op. Venetiis 1 726. Ber-
' thold von Regensburg, in Sitzungsber. der k. Akad. d. Wiss. phil. hist. Classe
(Wien) Bd. 84, 142, 147. Caesarii Heisterbacensis, Dial, miraculorum, ed. Strange
1851 & Colon. 1599. Cowba, Hist, des Vaudois 1 1901. Denifle-Chatelain.
Chart. Univ. Paris. 1 889. CV. Corpus Script, eccl. lat. ed. Acad. Caes. Vindob.
1866 secjq. Dollinger, Beitr. zur Sektengesch. d. Mittelalt. 1880 [Bd. I Gesch. der
gnost. manich. Sekt.]. Dresdner, Kultur u. Siltengesch. d. ital. Geistlichkeit in 10
und 11 Jahrh. 1890. Friedberg-Ruffini, Tratt. del diritto eccl. 1893; Hahn,
Gesch. der Ketzer im Mittelalt. 1845-50. Harnack, Lehrb. d. Dogmengesch.
1894-7. Havet, L' Heresie et le bras seculier au m. age (Bibl. de 1' ecol. des Ch.)
1880. Hausralh, Die Arnoldisten 1895. Hinschius, das Kirchenr. d. Kath. und
Protest. 1869 seqq. Hurler, Storia d' Innocenzo HI (trad. Rovida). Inn. Ill,
Opera, Venet. 1578. Kurtz, Lehrb. der Kirchengesch. 1889. Lea, Hist, de
r Inquisition (trad. Reinach) I 1 900. Mariano, S. Francesco d' Assisi e alcuni
dei suoi piii recenti biografi, 1896. M. G. Monumenta Germaniae Historica.
Muller (Karl) die Anfange des Minoritensord. u. d. Brudersch. 1885. Die Wal-
denser und ihre einz. Gruppen 1 880 ; Preger, in Abh. d. bay. Akad. d. Wiss.
XIII (1875). Ueber die Verfass. der Franz. Wald. 1890. Reg. Pont. I - Regesta
Pontificum (/a#e II Aufl.) Reg. Pont. II Regesta Pontificum {Potthast). Schmidt,
Hist, de la secte des Cathares ou Albigeois, 1849. Schonbacb, in Sitzungsber.
der Wien, Akad. Bd. 142, 147 - (1900, 1903), Tocco, L* eresia nel medio
evo 1 884.
THE mountain peak that soars majestically above lesser
summits seems when seen from a distance to stand alone,
dominating a vast plain ; but on a nearer approach it
dwindles gradually, lost among the surrounding hills. So
is it with Saint Francis of Assisi, in whose person the
religious and social movements of the thirteenth century
concentrate themselves, and, in a sense, triumph.
As we draw close to the Umbrian Saint, descending
16 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
boldly into the midst of the living memories of his Age,
the visage of the faithful Spouse of Poverty seems to
change its lineaments, and his familiar accents so sweet
and fervent, lose themselves in the confused clamour of
other voices no less powerful or pious.
Francis of Assisi — it is a practically general axiom
among all the historians who have written about him —
cannot be separated from his Age. And that Age must
be studied calmly and systematically in its every manife-
station. Savants and poets, fervid mystics and cold patho-
logists contend over the form of the humble follower of
Jesus ; yet we possess in point of fact, only such tokens
of the Saint as are preserved for us in the historical records
which speak of him. And no one has yet given a satis-
factory answer to the very simple question : What credit
is to be given to these records ? What are their real
sources ? So far, all the efforts of criticism have been
directed towards determining the value, primary or secon-
dary, of this or that historical document. Some critics
have not hesitated to reconstruct the sources in accordance
with certain preconceptions fatal to a true historical me-
thod ; but there has not yet appeared a critical study
entirely devoted to the origin of the Franciscan Legend
as it is fixed, in its fundamental lines, in the two "Lives"
of Thomas of Celano.
The purpose of the present investigation is to shew
that in order to study aright the life of St. Francis, one
needs to adopt an attitude of extreme diffidence not only
on those points which have been provisionally admitted,
faute de mieux ; but also with regard to all that has
hitherto been accepted without question as true.
CHAPTER I
17
Before entering upon a detailed comparison of the an-
cient sources with the Franciscan texts, it will be necessary
to say a few prefatory words on the religious and social
tendencies of the age of St. Francis. Our aim in so
doing is not to focus the light derived therefrom upon
the figure of the Saint, but merely to elucidate the tech-
nical signification of certain narratives : narratives from
which, in turn, we may gain a scientific conception of the
principal criteria by which the entire Legend is r*;gulated.
The miracle of the Stigmata ; the charming ceremony
of the " Presepio di Greccio ' ; the episode of the impure
priest from whom the Saint does not withhold the respect
due to his order ; the name itself of the " Ordine dei
Minori " — these are not the conventional themes which
recur on every page of the hagiological writings of the
Middle Ages.
From the two works of Celano there issues a Legend
which spreads itself through many other collections gather-
ing riches as it passes from place to place, from age to
age, from a generation of more or less trustworthy eye-
witnesses to one of visionaries, or of cold and unscrupulous
compilers. In this Legend there is enshrined a well-
determined nucleus of facts which succeeds in impressing
on all the various stories the appearance of a frank, inge-
nuous originality. As soon, however, as the Legend comes
in contact with old motifs, it seems as though the nar-
rative entirely lost sight of its subject.
This wonderful unity of conception, which the internal
tempests of the Order failed to dissolve, might produce
the illusion of truth to a reader incapable of penetrating
into the secrets of very clever compilation. Francis, alike
in the rhetorical images of Thomas of Celano as in the
b
18 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
consummate simplicity of the Fioretti seems always to pre-
serve his physiognomy. In many cases, however, under a
closer and more careful scrutiny the image of the " Poverello"
of Assisi in seen to decompose itself, so to speak, into a
number of separate traits that are drawn from other faces
— faces that have no relation whatever to our Saint.
Certainly the mosaic is all but perfect. The principal
theme, which is followed by the artists is derived from
the characteristic note that vibrates in the real soul of
Francis ; but the inspiration of the great work is perhaps
the only thing about it that corresponds to the reality . . .
and this quickly fades away as soon as the Legend is
presented in the Hashing pomp of images drawn from an-
cient sources such as the famous "Lives of the Fathers".
He who then comes upon the scene is not Francis of
Assisi, but an Oriental hermit, resuscitated by the so-called
ascetic fervour of the thirteenth century. Many people,
up to this day believe that from the mouth of St. Francis
issued the words: " Nos sumus joculatores Domini".^
But as a matter of fact the expression originated with a
German Frate, as related — or invented — by Caesarius of
Heisterbach ! ^
What remains, then, it will be asked, of the real Saint
of Assisi ? Much more than, to a superficial judgement,
would seem likely. The literary frauds — neither strange
nor novel in character^ — with which we are confronted,
are not inspired simply by the desire to increase the vene-
1 Sabatier, Speculum perfectionis 1 898 ; 1 97.
2 Caes. VI, 8 : Ita est de simplicibus (qui) ut sic dicam, iaculalores Dei
sunt sanctorumque angelorum [ed. Strange I 359-60: ed. Colon. 418].
3 See, e. g., the Life of S. Remigius written by Hincmar in MG. SS.
Mcrov. III. 240.
II
CHAPTER I 19
ration for the saint and add to his fame. The Franciscan
movement cannot be disjoined from the heretical one ar-
rested in its victorious political career by Innocent III.
Triumphant Orthodoxy adds to its trophies the meek figure
of Francis ; the Legend must bow itself to the exigencies
of altered circumstances. And it bows itself to such an
extent that it needs but an extremely slight effort of cri-
ticism to bring back — not far from the truth — the official
story.
Once again criticism, with all its reputation for pedantry,
transforms itself into an exquisitely delicate pyschological
research.
To reach Francis of Assisi the road is long and rough.
We prefer to follow certain field-paths from which one
may enjoy a better view of the landscape of the times ;
and the short cut will be a benefit to the wayfarer who
cannot transport himself into the days of the Man of God
without the annoyance of a little of the dust of erudition.
After the independence of her heroic age, the Church
made her peace with the Roman Empire ; but the signing
I of that treaty was far from giving her internal peace. Her
I own proper adversaries were at once reinforced by those
of the State ; while her close adhesion to the Civil power
had the effect of transforming her into a quasi-political
r organism capable, in virtue of its robust constitution, of
taking up, at the opportune moment, the heritage of the
j|. dying world. It followed, however, from this that her
religious idealism found itself now in continual conflict with
worldly anxieties and preoccupations : and the internal
uneasiness soon manifested itself in schisms and heresies,
in the contempt of monachism for the very institutions of
20 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
the Church, and in the ill-omened invocation of the "se-
cular arm".'
Through the succeeding centuries, with their varied and
very intricate vicissitudes ; w^hilst society is painfully striving
to reconstruct itself on the ruins of the ancient civilisation
and amid the savagery of contemporary barbarism ; the
separation between the two functions of the Church be-
comes still more pronounced. Enormous riches stream in
upon her, and equally enormous obligations. With the
former comes in the germ of corruption ; with the latter,
that of political dominion. For the defence of that which
has become necessary to her, the Church makes ready
means of resistance : she transmutes her spiritual arms in-
to weapons of worldly defence ; and so her organism be-
comes assimilated in form and substance to the institutions
which make no claim to divine origin or mission. To
St. Augustine Catholicism owes its dogmatic unity ; to the
Papacy, in which lives on the immortal spirit of Rome
the Ruler, that cohesion which might best be described as
political."
Thus the increase of civil power obscured the religious
character of the institution, till at length — in a stormy age,
be it admitted — Gregory the Great could doubt whether
he were Shepherd of Peoples, or an earthly Potentate.
Permeating the inmost structure of society ; arbiter, and
at the same time slave of the destinies of that society, the
Church shared the commotions of the world's life — because
"nothing was foreign to her" — and in all, consequently,
she either suffered or prospered.
1 Ruffini, La liberta religiosa, 1901 ; 38 seqq.
2 Respublica Dei (Op. Vend. 1 744 ; II, 1 40), is the apt phrase of S. Peter
Damian reviving the idea of the Augustinian Civitas Dei.
CHAPTER I 21
To the upheavals of the religious conscience she paid no
attention ; and these became more frequent and more spasmo-
dic — and more dangerous also — in proportion to the violence
of their repercussion and the magnitude of their effects.
During the barbaric age, German victories meant im-
munity for heretical doctrine : and the Orient, sow^er of
schisms and heresies, rent meanwhile in another direction
that ecclesiastical unity w^hich, thanks to the traditions of
Rome, had begun definitely to be associated w^ith the
Papacy. After countless perils had been surmounted, the
Church found itself even more strongly secularised than
before. And the worst offender was the Papacy itself,
which, having achieved a temporal dominion, proceeded
to reconstruct the Empire, reserving to itself the right to
debase the same at will, in the sight of Christian Europe.
These conditions prepared — not of course for the rise,
but — for the reflorescence of heresy, which is the most
spontaneous form of reaction against the Church and against
all that is connected with it. In the Middle Ages the
character and dogmatic force of heresy are not generally
understood, because the religious question is mixed up with
problems of theology. Still heresy receives recognition and
attracts a following for the sake of the end which it sets
before it, and of the fruits which are hoped for from its
victory. To be heretics, it is sufficient to have a reason
for rebellion against an orthodoxy that contradicts the reli-
gious and political sentiment. In a word, heresy ceases
at once to be a purely doctrinal matter, as soon as it
begins to make headway among the nations and to at-
tract their adherence.
The debris of old heretical sects and communities, which
Rome had vainly endeavoured to stamp out by harsh
22 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
legislation, exhibit undoubted signs of life, and of a more
or less exuberant life, during the period between the last
Age of the old Empire and the days of Francis of As-
sisi. If we would understand the XII'^ and XIII*^ cen-
turies, we must work our way back through the ages,
looking out for causes — proximate and remote — of a prac-
tically general movement, which, when it has reached its
climax seems to be the immediate outcome of the con-
ditions and circumstances of the Church in those centuries.
Gregory the Great, who died in 604, describes with
wonderful precision the tendencies, the dogmas and the
customs of the small heretical nuclei which the iron legis-
lation of the Roman Emperors had not succeeded in
destroying. St. Gregory's narrative brings before us the
two great branches of the rebellious plant of heresy : the
intolerant Manichean Catharism, and the milder heterodoxy
which reappears, centuries later under the name of the
doctrine of Valdo.
Already in the sixth century, be it remembered, heretics
are to be found in the humblest classes of society. And
these while at variance with one another, are bound to-
gether by their common hatred of the Church, in an ob-
stinate and perennial struggle against orthodoxy. They
study and interpret with absolute freedom the Holy Scrip-
tures and the writings of the ancient Fathers of the Church
for which they have a genuine admiration and reverence.
Their activity finds self-expression in the preaching of doc-
trine : hence the great pains they take to become eloquent,
persuasive and learned in the Scriptures, in face of catholic
ignorance. Modest and pious, to a man, in their demea-
nour — erring, indeed, by an exaggerated expression of self-
humiliation — they exhibit, in contrast to the wealth and
CHAPTER I 23
worldly prosperity of the Church, the spectacle of a life
exemplarily austere. "In us", they say, "resides the truth:
We are the Church of God". They love and practise
piety, patience, silence ; they rejoice in shewing themselves
to the world in garb and demeanour of humility. God
is in them : and God speaks familiarly to the faithful.
The utterances of the heretics breathe sweetness, their
actions express the evident desire to conform themselves
to the pattern of Jesus. Every one of them gives all to
the poor. Virginity is so highly esteemed among them
that many of them absolutely condemn marriage. So
ardent is their thirst for martyrdom that they torment the
flesh with abstinence and fastings.
The heretics live apart from the orthodox and assemble
for religious practices in remote spots : secrecy lends so-
lemnity and reverence to their ceremonies. In their doc-
trine there is entire disagreement. Some sects dissent in no
way from the orthodox, save in their refusal to be included
within the unity of the Church ; conforming in all other
I matters to catholic practice and worship. Heretics truly
and properly so-called are those who profess dogmatic errors
on the subject of the Divinity and Incarnation of Christ ;
who hold that Hell is a bug-bear, invented to frighten the
wicked, and have no fear of the devil.
Such, in brief, are the data offered us by Gregory the
Great ; and if we make these our starting-point we shall
arrive without difficulty at the true and proper heretical
movement of a later period.' And the period of St. Gre-
1 S. Greg. M. Opera (ed. Maur.) In prim. Reg. Ill, 5 n. 31 ; Super Cant.
Cant. Exp. c. Ill n. 17; Moral. XVII i n. c. 24 Job, n. 65, 66; III inc. 2
Job, n. 46, 49 ; XVI in c. 24 Job, n. 62 ; VII in c. 8 Job, n. 62 ; XII in
c. 15 Job. n. 33 ; III in c. 8 Job, n. 68 ; XVI in c. 22 Job, n. 7 ; XVII in
c. 28 Job, n. 39 ; XVIII in c. 27 Job, n. 25 ; XXXI in c. 39 Job. n. 2 ;
24 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
gory can supply us even with a precursor of the Saint of
Assisi/ At Rieti the monk Aequitius abandons the life
of a humble field-labourer to devote himself entirely to the
study of the sacred books : and he receives from an Angel
of God the gift of eloquence w^ith an injunction to preach
the word of God, layman though he be. Aequitius obeys ;
and over the mountains and valleys of the Sabine country,
riding the most miserable ass of the monastery, clad in
hairy skins and almost concealed by two bags containing
the divine Scriptures which hang down from him on either
side, he passes from village to village, spreading the seed
of Gospel preaching.^ The Pope sends an exsecutor
to summon to his presence the suspected proclaimer of the
divine word, who arrogates to himself an office which is
not his ; but God, in a vision, warns the Pontiff not to
molest that Brother.
In the Liber diurnus Pontificum Romanorum, the ordi-
nation of Africans is prohibited on the ground that they
are frequently tainted with Manichaeism. This proves the
XVI in c. 22 Job, n. 7. 8 ; III in c. 2 Job, n. 45 ; XX in c. 30 Job. n. 18
XXIII in c. 32 Job, n. 15 ; XX in c. 30 Job, n. 24 ; XII in c. 15 Job, n. 33
VIII in c. 8 Job, n. 62 ; XVI in c. 12 Job, n. 20; XXXI in c. 39 Job, n. 10
XXIII in c. 32 Job, n. 15 ; V in c. 5 Job, n. 49 ; XVI in c. 22 Job, n. 20
III in c. 8 Job, n. 68 ; XVI in c. 22 Job, n. 10 ; XIX in c. 29, n. 27 (Ma-
nicheism) ; XVIII in c. 28 Job, n. 40 ; XX in c. 30 Job, n. 24 ; XVI in c. 22
Job, n. 10 ; XX in c. 30 Job, n. 33 ; XVIII in c. 28 Job, n. 41 ; III in c. 2
Job, n. 52. Manicheans in Sicily : Ep. V. 7.
Solitary tendency of Manicheans: C. Theod. XVI, 5, 9 [582] ; Their expulsion
from Rome and from Africa ib. c. 18, 35. Even in the sixth century some light
experiment was made in the way of religious toleration for heretics. C. I. 1,5,
12 (a. 527). Manicheans ib. § 2, 3, Cfr. c. 16.
1 5. Gregor. M. Dial. I, 4; cfr. Cassiod. Var. IV, 23, 24, a. 510-1,
For the exsecutor, Greg. M. Ep. XI, 58 (MG.) — Bethmann-Hollweg, Civilproz.
Ill, 157.
2 Aequitius reminds us of the first Minorites almost as described by Math.
Paris. Hist. Angl. in MG. SS. XXVIII, 397 : Libros continue suos, videlicet
bibliothecas, in forulis, a coilo dependentes, baiulantes.
CHAPTER I 25
persistence of that heresy beyond the VII'^ century :
and the formula in which the said prohibition is couched
reappears under Nicholas II (1058-61)." Moreover,
even if the Muratorian fragment be earlier in date than
Lea supposes, ^ it is not on that account less important ;
offering as it does a discursive catalogue of the principal
sManichean heresies/
The famous heresy of the Adoptianists who believed
that Jesus as man was adoptive son of God — the heresy
so valiantly combatted by Paulinus of Aquileja' — is
perhaps at bottom nothing but a reflex of the old doctrine
wherely Jesus only symbolically (not to say juridically)
becomes man. And even as late as the ninth century cer-
tain errors survived concerning the Lord's Passion, suffered
secundum deitatem : ^ to say nothing of other references
which are to be found in all the books in which our
subject is treated. " In the eleventh century Heresy
pursues its true and proper course ; but that course, as
we shall have occasion to remark later on, is masked (save
to the historian's eye) under the vehement popular move-
ment against the corrupt clergy. For the moment, indeed,
the heretical movement coincides in its line of action with
that of the reforming party within the orthodox Church.
1 Lib. diurnus ponlif. rom. ed. Sickel, 1899. No. 6 (6-7). The Africans,
driven out by the fury of the Vandals, took refuge, in large numbers, in Italy :
Corpus inscr. Lat. V. No. 818, 1703 ; XI N.o 2054 ; Nov. Valenl. Ill T. 12.
33. Cassiod. Var. XI. 9.
2 Reg. Pontif. I. No. 4442.
1 Muratori Anecd. ex Ambros. Codd. [ 1 697] ; 112.
4 Cfr. Cone. Bracar. II, in Mansi, Cone. Coll. IX, 775 a. 563 ; c. 4 seqq.
5 Op. ed. Madrisius ; contra Felicem, 99 seqq.
(^ Cone. Rom. a. 862 : Mansi XV, 182, 61 1 & Hefele, Conciliengeschichte
(U ed.) IV, 260,272. Reg. Pont. I 344-5.
7 Lea, I, 100; Hamat^, 1, 785 seqq. Dollinger, I passim; Tocco, 73 seqq.
Dresdner, 121 seqq. Kurtz, I, §§ 21,25,26.
26 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISl
So then, vital germs of heresy were not lacking in Italy
and beyond, but especially in France and Spain. When
the storm of barbarism had been overcome, the Church
and the Church's head, intent on consolidating the temporal
powder with its centre in Rome, made unlimited claims over
the Romano-German Empire. She frees herself from the
insidious bonds of feudalism ; and finally proclaiming by
the mouth of Gregory VII that the hour has come for
internal reforms, and that the rule of kings is an invention
of the devil, ' she carries with her in an access of en-
thusiasm the very asceticism of the heretics, and gives a
vigorous impulse to the new-born liberties of the Com-
munes ; taking care, at the same time, to divert from tur-
bulent Europe, by means of the Crusades, the great masses
of restless spirits, and to curb the fell prowess of over-
bearing might by imposing now and again a " Truce of
God".^
Without, magnificently strong and majestic, the eccle-
siastical organism is constantly threatened from within by
the malignant cancer of corruption and simony — an
evil against which the force of reforming Popes and the
assiduous labours of certain solitary preachers' are alike
unavailing. And now all those who had themselves con-
ceded a truce to the Church, begin to return more pas-
sionately than ever to their old ideals. Heresy assumes
once more a valiant activity, strong in the alliances which
1 Greg. VII, Ep. VIII, 2 1 . Cfr. Honorii Augustod. Summa gloria, in MG.
Lib. de lite imp. et pontificum, III, 75.
2 Reg. Pontif. 1, No. 4521 (Alex. II). Huberli, Gottesfrieden und Land-
arieden 1892; § 13.
3 Even in 1 294 an ecclesiastic was compelled on pain of a fine of 4 ounces
of gold, to refrain " de cetero " from keeping a concubine in his house. Cod.
Dipt. Barese, II, No. 44.
CHAPTER I 27
finds along its path, among the political adversaries of
|Papal Rome. It was useless for the Church, with con-
summate courage to expose her own wounds, one by one,
in her councils and in papal letters, in language every
whit as biting as that of the bantering songs of poets and
jesters.' Bernard of Clairvaux, no less gentle and win-
ning than the heretical preachers, ^ remained unheeded ;
the very utterance of Innocent III which condemns the
unworthy life of the ecclesiastics, attests the powerlessness
of the labours and aspirations of the reforming party. ^
The papal phrase which recurs again and again in the
Bulls — that "the Church has come to her eleventh hour" —
is more than a mere rhetorical expression.
The Church of Jesus had all but disappeared. That
of Rome recalled, to the instructed mind, in its constitu-
tional outlines, the old magistracies of the Roman Em-
pire ; ^ to the less learned it was simply a gigantic system
of oppression. ^ To the corrupt orthodox clergy even
the orthodox laity refused homage and tithes. This refusal
was discussed as an elegant case of juridical controversy
in the greatest university of Italy, at Bologna, where the
wretched morals of the clergy were described with smart
I Concil. Rem. a. 2229 c. 1 seqq. Tree. a. 1127 c. 7; Rolomag. c. 2;
Rem. a. 1131,1148, c. 4 e 2. Turon. a. 1143 c. 5 ; Monspell, a. 1214 c. 7
seqq. ; Mansi, XXI, 238. 356,375,459,714, etc.; XXII, 940 seqq. Cone. Later.
a. 1123 e. 1 seqq.; a. 1139 c. 16,21 ; a. 1 1 79 e. 3 ; 10,11, 20; a. 1215
c. 19, 34,63,64 seqq. Mansi. XXI, 282 seqq. : 531 seqq. : XXII, 1007, 1022.
1051, seqq. etc.
- Quando oramus ? quando doeemus p>opulos ? Quando aedificamus Eccle-
siam? - De Consid. I, 7 (Op. II, 416).
3 Sermo in conseer. pontific. 184-5. In die einer. - Sic iam ornati prodimus,
ut magis sponsi quam clerici videamur.
4 Odofred C. Haee quae nee. Dig. I. 13, 1, Tamassia, Odofredo 1894;
144-6.
.T 5. Bern. De consid. I, 7 (II 418): Quid falcem vestram in messem alie-
nam intenditis. De Convers. ad eler. c. 19,22 (H, 498, 500).
28 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
ingenuity by the professors before an audience of thousands
of scholars.'
Inveterate as was the antipathy for frati and ecclesia-
stics, ^ the feeling against Roman prelates was stronger
still. Contemporary documents dwell on the obesity of
their persons and the hoarseness of their voices painfully
unfitted for the preacher's task. ^ What respect (it was
asked) is due to churchmen shamelessly living a life of
concubinage, adultery, buffoonery, jesting : forgers, men sur-
rounded by bravoes and immersed in ignorance and de-
bauchery ? ^
The inferior clergy, abased by the pride of ecclesia-
stical patrons, who treated them like so many agricultural
labourers ; '^ abandoned by the bishops who, having squan-
dered their diocesan patrimony, had nothing left to give to
others : strove to gain a miserable pittance by the sale
of masses and absolutions ; ^ profiting by the vogue of
1 S. P. Damiani, Op. Ill, 292 ; cfr. Odofredo, 1 49 : Only rustics seem
to have been still ready to pay tithes.
2 Hon. de sacril. ed. Caspar! (Christiania 1 886) 8 ; Jacques de Vitry Exem-
pla No. 268 [p. 112]; ed. Crane 1890; (p. 250 rtote). Folgore, Sonetti, in
Scelta di curiosity lett. No. 1 72 [65]. 5. P. Dam. Ill, 270 (opusc. 30 c. 3).
3 Pasqui, Doc. per la storia della citta di Arezzo, nel medio evo, 1899
[No. 389; a. 1 177-1 180]. (521,528-9,352). One might adduce also the sermon
de la palharellei (ib. No. 389) of a bishop who did not know how to roll his
tongue properly.
4 Reg. 11 (Inn. Ill): clerical murderers; No. 380, forgers No. 532, 574,
1184, 1276, 1283, 2055, crudentes buUas novas; luxurious, debauched, undi-
sciplined, ignorant ecclesiastics. No. 519, 620, 835, 896, 382, 2933 etc. Odofredo,
149 : Clerici maioris ecclesie, qui vadunt ut laici, et qui tenent palafredos et
accipitres et assecinos. dr. Jacques de Vitry, Exempla No. 2, 4, 5, 6, 17, 18,
20, 22, 210, Hist. lerosol. (in Gesta Dei per Francos, Hanoviae 1611 ; I, 1087)
c. 70-71. Dec. Greg. IX, V, 26: De excess, praei. Cfr. Ill, 2. 3.
5 For private churches, see : Stutz, Gesch. der kirch. Benefizialwesens 1 895 ;
Galante, II beneficio eccl. 1895. Decadence of the canons: Hinschius, Kirchenr.
11, § 80. AttempU at reform: Ughelli-Coleii, Italia Sacra; Firenze a. 1231, II, I 10.
^ Dresdner, 328 seqq.
7 Caes. Ill, 35. 40; cfr. Ill, 39 (ed. 1599); IV, 41, 42, 44.
^ome
CHAPTER I 29
ome more or less authentic saint to place images of the
same in their churches, with a view to attracting men and
money. Ignorance, abject degradation, hatred and imperious
necessity drove them even into open crime, ' Higher
up the scale things proceeded no better. The episcopate,
embroilled in politics, had no longer much trace of the
sacerdotal character about it. With terrible calm a monk
of Clairvaux sums up in few words the condition of the
Church in the opening years of the XII I'^ century : " The
Episcopate ", he says, " leads straight to Hell — and the
Church has the bishops she deserves*'.^ Still higher,
the Pope and his Curia labour to destroy by their deeds
the effect of the good proposals formulated in their utter-
ances. '
An iron fiscal system exstinguishes all sense of pity and
of evangelical duty. '^
There is no human activity over which the imperial
sway of the Papacy does not extend. The pontifical juris-
diction, vexatious and tyrannical, not content with trench-
ing upon the independence of Kingdoms, interposes —
sinister ally of the "Don Rodrigo" of those times — to
prevent the nuptials of the poor. "^
I Salimbene, Chr. (ed. Parmae 1857) 274-5 ; Luc. Tudens. Bibl. max. vet.
patrum XXV, 13. 5. Bernard. De consid. I, 7 (11, 418).
^ Caes. II 28. St. Peter Damian used to say that the harhirasium alone
(Ep. I, 15 Op. 1, 12) distinguished the ecclesiastic from the man of the world;
he refers to the clean-shaven face ; but some historians have not properly under-
stood the phrase.
3 Some one says to Pope Innocent III : Os tuum os Dei est, sed opera tua
sunt opera diaboli : Caes. II, 30.
4 5. Bern. De consid. Ill, 3 (II, 437) : Quando hactenus aurum Roma
refugit ? Pastor, Hist, des papes depuis la fin du moyen-age I (trad, franc. 1888)
I, 10 seqq.
5 S. Bern. De consid. Ill, 2 (11,435): Parata omnia, invitati multi ; et ecce
homo concupiscens uxorem proximi sui, in vocem appellationis inopinatae pro-
rumpit, aflirmans sibi traditam prius . . . sacerdos non audet progredi ...
30 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
Caesar of Heisterbach has a charming story in which he
recounts how a husband, unjustly desirous of divorce, ac-
cepted the offer of the devil's help. The fiend carried
him to the papal Curia, where he made an effective ora-
tion and gained his point, obtaining the Bull of divorce-
ment. But the good devil, more righteous than the Pope,
made his client, by dint of a fantastic journey, forget Pope,
Bull and divorce, and brought him back to his spouse
loving and loved again.'
A plain indication of the popular feelings towards the
Ecclesiastics is afforded by that particular protection of the
clergy which the Councils sanction in the XI'^ and XII'^
centuries, under the name of "Privilege of the Canon"."
As for the monastic Orders, they had increased enormously,
and as they increased, so their decadence proceeded, side
by side with that of the secular clergy.' Finally the
constitution of new Rules was rigorously prohibited ; but
neither this prohibition, nor the energetic measures of the
Papacy availed to heal the incurable evils of the time. ^
For some time past Monachism — which, in order to keep
itself alive assumed even the knightly habit in the Military
Orders — had been in full course of decadence. It no
1 V, 37 A splendid story well worthy of the author of the Decameron. A
knight (cfr. V, 36) enjoys many services at the hands of a good devil, who accepts
as comjiensation a small sum of money, and restores even that at once, on condi-
tion that the knight employs it to buy bells for a poor, abandoned church.
2 This measure protects, under pain of excommunicatio lalae sententiae, every
tonsured person from unjust acts of violence : it originated actually in connexion
with heretical persecutions. Deer. Grat. C. XVII, 4, 29 - Cone. Lat. II a. II 39.
Cfr. Cone. Clerm. 1 1 30 and Pisan. 11 35 : Mansi, XXI. 439. 490. Hinschius
Kirchenr. 1 § 16(1869): Friedberg-Ruffini, Trattato. 241.
3 Reg. Pontif. 11, No. 2454 (Inn. III). Bull. ed. Taur. Ill, 192. Cone. Lat.
IV c. 13: Mansi. XXII, 1120.
4 Reg. Pontif. II. No. 15 ; 57 ; 158; 166; 392; 578 (Montecassino), 888;
1154; 1734; 1772; 1828; 1843; 2554; 3313; 3791 (Farfa) ; 3576,4680
etc. (Innoc. III).
CHAPTER I 31
longer responded to the needs and aspirations of the age.
Political dominion, and the riches on which the frati set
such store, gave rise to intestine discords ; the envious eyes
of the laity were cast upon the wealth of the Monasteries ;
within the cloister, discipline was relaxed and shameless
luxury reigned, and, as a result, Monachism became the
butt of general and open derision/
Not seldom the cloisters were turned into mere " houses
of correction", arousing a sombre horror by their sinister
ceremonies of Profession. A motley company assembles
within their walls, whither drift in troops the disappointed,
the victims of parental greed, or of their own illusions ;
visionaries, men of infamous character, and simple spirits
diabolically seduced by the coaxing promises of monasti-
cism.' And from these elements — vitiated, marred, or
diseased — are distilled influences of disquietude, of incre-
dulity, of material and moral disorder, of jesting scepticism.
Relic of an antique asceticism, running its degenerate
course amid miserable entanglements and fantastic elabo-
rations, oscillating between sceptical irony and the twilight
of a dying religious sentiment, Monachism was an incubus
upon the Church. Its intrusions into the ecclesiastical sphere
caused her constant annoyance, as did also its evil living,
which called down a storm of reproach and contempt that
was an astonishment to the Church herself.^
1 Reg. di Farfa ; (Roma 1892) V. No. 1229 ; a. 1119, 1 125 (318 seqq.) :
Nonnulli edam - nos deridebant et cibos delicatos ac pigmentorum potus, in prae-
cipuis sumptos solemniis, ad memoriam subsannando nobis deducebant.
2 Places of punishment : Imt. Nov. 1 23, 1 34 ; Greg. I, Ep. I, 49 ; V, 5 ;
V. 1 7 ; VIIl, 48 ; of refuge for delinquents : Greg. M. Dial. 1, 4. Mem. e doc.
Lucchesi, V, 2 No. 309 a. 803 etc. Caes. I. 29, 30, 31, IV, 37; cfr., IV, 1.
- Deer. Greg. IX. V, 3, 25. Moral outrages and reasons for taking the veil: Caes.
I, 8, 18, 19, 24, 28 etc. etc. Horror of the tonsure: Caes. IV, 51. Fetters for
those who try to leave the cloister: S. P. Dam. Op. II, 212.
3 Corruption: 5. Bern. Apol. ad Guill. ab. c. 21 seqq. (Op. II 541);
32 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
But the Church is staggering under other and fiercer
blows. She feels herself losing the monopoly of knowledge.
Culture and the ecclesiastical life had been regarded by
the early Middle Ages as one and indivisible ; ' but now,
in the Universities where knowledge is concentrated, the
desire for freedom of thought is not be curbed. Paris
refuses to obey the suspicious admonitions of the papal
authority, ^ and from the Aristotelian books, in vain pro-
scribed, flash forth the first gleams of modern science. '
The divine simplicity of the school of Jesus is lost in the
wearying mazes of the syllogism,'^ and the clever logician
who reasons and disputes subtilly of God despises the
miserable dialectic of the "piccolo Gesu"."^
Such was the condition of the Church in the age of
Francis of Assisi. Sombre though they be, the colours of
Joachim abb. In Apocal. (Venet. 1527) 189, 190. Mittarelli, Ann. Camald.
IV app. 323 a. 1213. Jacques de Vitry, Exempla No. 47, 59, 69 etc.
In ancient times the monasteries in Italy, were genuine hospices which catered
by contract : R. Arch. Neapol. Mon. I, n. 30 ; Cod. Cavensis Dipiom. I, n. 108;
Reg. Neap. n. 123, 129: X and XI centuries; cfr. Reg. Pontif. I n. 4269
(Leo XI) a. 1051.
Ancient - and less ancient - scandals, in Mem. Luce. V, 2 n. 803 ; R.
Arch, di Stato di Lucca, Reg. Vol. In. 1 86 sec. X. - " Certe si in rebus meis
habuissem prosperitatem, numquam venissem ad Ordinem ! " exclaims a sincere
frale : Caes. I, 28.
Right of admission into monasteries purchased in ringing coin paid to the
convent : Deer. Greg. IX, V, 3, 1 9. Cfr. Jacques de Vitry, Exempla n. 221.
Incredulity : Words of a nun driven to desperation by her vows. ' ' Quis
scit si Deus sit, si sint cum illo angeli, animae vel regnum coelorum ? Quis
ista vidit ? " - Caes. IV, 39.
Contract for a farm-tenancy . . . and for the tonsure for his children ! in Fan-
tuzzi, Mon. Ravenn. II, n. 48 a. 1108.
1 « Et si surrexerit ex nobis doctos aut scientes homines Deum timentes, qui
ipsa ecclesia ordinaverint » say certain founders of churches in the tenth century :
Cod. Cavensis Dipl. II n. 231.
2 Chart. Paris. In. 12. 20 (a. 1210-1215).
3 Caes. V, 21. Cfr. Chart. Paris. I, 272-5.
i Read the lament of an ascetic in Chart. Paris. In. 1 9. a. 11 64.
s Mon. Germ. Hist. SS. XXVIII. 116: ex Math. Paris. Cron. maior.
CHAPTER I
33
^the picture are not exaggerated. We have not interrogated
either professional satirists, or heretics, or schismatics : the
entire account is derived from orthodox sources — from popes,
bishops, friars, preachers, who have said nothing but what
gave them grievous pain, forced to reveal the truth because
every attempt to conceal it would have been ridiculous
and useless. And if the Church did not perish, she owed
her preservation — paradoxical as it may seem— to the same
cause from which her trouble sprang. It was the constant
relations of her religious life with that of the civil power
which prevented the assaults of heresy from achieving a
victory. The rest was accomplished by the daundess
energy of Innocent III. The Franciscan episode is all but
lost in the bloody repression of the great heretical movement ;
but not even the days of the great German Reformation
were so big with threats and dangers as those which saw
the Saint of Assisi.
Let us consider that movement a little more closely,
alike in its causes and in its immediate effects. Among
the graver consequences of the corruption of the clergy, we
must give the first place to the absolute alienation from the
Church of the lowest classes in the social scale. The utter
impoverishment of the ecclesiastical treasury rendered increas-
ingly difficult, if not impossible, the continuance of that
public beneficence for which the Church's treasures were
intended, being, in TertuUian's memorable phrase, deposita
pietatis: ' and the hardship of this fell especially upon the
parochial clergy who were left almost entirely to their own
resources^ — -and the more so since the rapacity of the bishops
had been reinforced by that of the laity great and small.''
I Apolog. c. 39.
^ Pasqui, Op. c. No. 61, sec. X. Quia Tuscis consueludo est, ut, recepto
34 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
Meanwhile in the ecclesiastics themselves the sense of
evangelical piety and gentleness grew feebler and feebler.
Saint Bernard saw in the impudent luxury of the bishops
a deadly insult to the unspeakable misery of the humbler
classes.
Finally, the language of the priest loses all trace of a
popular tone, and stereotypes itself in forms suggested by
a revived scholastic rhetoric. Saint Peter Damian destroys
the austere poetry of the Crucifixion with arid juridical
discussions in which Christ figures as advocate and judge
on the wood of the cross ; while Innocent III when he
would expound the Law of God, takes as his starting point
the definition of a Roman testamentum. '
In general, the clergy — with certain notable exceptions,
many of whom do not belong to Italy- — suffer from lack
of the nourishment of a deeply Christian culture and piety ;
and religions instruction and the practices of worship are
reduced to stupid formalities. ^ God Himself is taken away
from the soul of the faithful, and His place filled by whole
armies of saints with their miraculous relics : articles of
commerce — of a sceptically calm commerce — in the greatest
of the maritime cities of Italy ! '^ And these saints reflect
ab Ecclesia libello, in contumadam convertantur contra Ecclesiam, ita ut vix aut
numquam reddant censum, Privilege of Ugo and Lotario to the Church of Arezzo.
1 De moribus episcoporum c. 2 (II, 470): Clamant vero nudi, clamant famelici,
conqueruntur et dicunt : numquid aurum a freno repellit frigus, sive esuriem ?
2 5. P. Datn. Op. II 27 seqq. Inn. Ill, Op. 171 (Sermo in Lccl. 45).
It was the " Populares Sermones " of St. Ambrose that were responsible for the
conversion of St. Augustine : Confess. VI, 4.
3 Confessions en masse, and recitation of the sins by the Confessor himself,
who gives to all the penitence of the preceding year I Caes. Ill, 44, 45. Before
Gregory IX, the canons of Mantua spread out the blood-stained tunic of their
murdered bishop demanding vengeance : Salimhene, 4.
4 Odofred C. I, 2, 3 : Mercatores veneti et Janue - vadunt per mare et in
urbe Costantinop. emunt reliquias apostolorum et martyrum et aliorum sanctorum,
et portant et vendunt... (174). Innocent himself forbids the sale of certain conchae
CHAPTER I 35
the soul of their devotees and of the age. What they
desire is external reverence, the formal homage of believers ;
and they are ready to lend themselves to pious frauds, and
to work advertisement-miracles in order to save the life, the
honour and the good name of those who confide themselves
to their patronage. '
Within the cities, within the very circle of family and
clan, strife rages, furious and incessant. The authority of
Church and State imposes truces and peaces which no one
observes. The weakest are at the mercy of any one who
has the power and audacity to play the tyrant, and to put
himself in the right always and at all costs. In vain the
oppressed look for comfort and aid from the Church, for
the Church has not the independence of that which tran-
scends all mundane parties and interests. Nay, she is mixed
up herself in the great and little contests ; judge and interested
party at the same time, she is bound by common material
interests to the oppressors, from whom, therefore she can
neither demand nor request pity for the miserable.
The communal movement represents political heresy,
that is, conscious separation from the general constitution of
the State ; the religious movement, which is in substance
also heretical, developes along lines parallel to the political,
and the two tendencies unite, up to a certain point, in
their quest of a remedy, material or moral, for the intole-
rable disorder which prevails. This is the reason why
heresy has so much vitality from the XI'*" century onwards,
and a character so special in Italy. Where the murmur of
belonging to the sanctuary of St. James of Composteila : Ep. X, 78 (ed. Balut. II,
44). Salimbene, 39, makes fun of the gross vanity of self-named Saints who gave
their own clothes away as relics.
■ Caes. VII, 44. Cfr. Jacques Je Vitry. Exempla No. 282.
36 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
citizen liberties is less powerful than in Italy, heresy finds
its support in other political and social circumstances, as is
not difficult to discern in the most conspicuous events of
the Xlir^ century.
That century was preparing for the Church a state of
things far from pleasant. There were the disasters of the
crusades and of the contests between Church and Empire
during the reigns of Philip of Swabia, Otto IV, Frederic II
and Louis IX of France ; there was the embitterment of
civil strife due to the astute policy of the Swabian Emperors ;
and the vigorous resumption of temporal policy by the
Roman See, in the definite constitution of the States of the
Church, in opposition to the Empire, the free cities and the
Signorie of central Italy. And as though all this were not
sufficient, the will of the Empress Constance gave over
southern Italy into the hands of the Pope during the minority
of her son. Under the accumulated burden of so many
grave demands, it is not difficult to understand how the
Church for a moment, feared she would be overwhelmed
by the forces of victorious heresy.
Caesarius of Heisterbach who, behind the light mystic
veil of his visions, offers to view also the things of this
world as they really are, is right in putting among the
principal events of the period the remarkable success of the
Albigensian heresy. This movement, according to him, con-
quered nearly a thousand cities and would have subjugated
the whole of Europe, but for the tongue of Innocent III
and the sword of Simon de Montforte. '
The slaughter of the Albigenses was, then, no merely
meaningless atrocity. The " Inquisitio haereticae pravitatis, "
with the aid of the secular arm and of the zealous measures
■ V, 21.
CHAPTER I 37
of the Preaching Friars and of the Inquisitorial police suc-
ceeded, says a XVIP^ century witer, in extinguishing with
fire and sword the most dangerous centres of infection. '
Later on there came a breath of scepticism which cooled
the ardour of propaganda and of faith, and the political activi-
ties of the popes assumed a correspondingly milder form. In
the XIV"' century the daily and hourly crusades against
heresy evoked no longer the solemn and dignified response
of a martyr's heroism. Scorn and satire succeeded to tears
and blood ; and the Italian spirit issued from those trials
endowed with new gifts — the serene indifference and the
gay irony that sparkle on many pages of Giovanni Boccaccio
and Franco Sacchetti.
But we must hark back a little. Heresy was not only
contested in the open field as the perennial foe of Chris-
tianity : attempts were also made, and made with a gen-
tleness that was largely sincere, to bring back into the
orthodox fold some of the less intramigeantes of the sects.
Memorable instances are those of Valdo, Durandus of
Huesca, Bernardo Primo and their companions. Among
the most innocent, but but by no means the least efficacious,
of the allies of orthodox repression, is to be noticed the
delicate cultivation of religous art and sentiment in the
atmosphere of a kind of literary Renaissance which was
the prelude to the later Humanism. This is a point of
some obscurity in the history of the period and one which,
I am persuaded, has been greatly neglected. ^
1 Deer. Greg. IX ; V 5, 7, \3 - Cone. Lat. IV. c. 3. Himchius, V § 259.
For lay legislation, see Ficker, in Mitth. des Inst, fiir oesterr. Geschichtsforsch.
I, 2. (1880): Die gesetzliche Einfiihrung der Todesstrafe f. Ketz. I 79 seqq. Kohler,
Das Strafr. der ital. Statuten, 1897; 596 seqq. Legislaz. imperiale: MG. Leges
II. 252. 282. 287. 326; Const. Regni Sic. I. I.
2 See the two monographs on the subject : Haureau, M6m. sur les recits
38 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
The apocalyptic inspiration of the Abbot Joachim is not
the only fruit of the sincere commotion of so many souls
sincerely devoted to orthodoxy — a commotion free from the
taint of shameful impurities. An entire literature appears
which is marked by a return the old popular and mystical
sources of the ancient Church. The " Vitae Patrum, " '
the works of Sulpicius Severus, of Gregory the Great and
of Gregory of Tours, the dogmatic encyclopaedia furnished
by the writings of Saint Augustine, the moving pages of
Saint Ambrose, the monastic conferences of Cassian : — all
these come to life again in the treatises, the fairy-tales, the
visions of a later Age, clothed in a garb more congenial,
less rigidly ascetic.
The outcome of these imitations is twofold. On the
aesthetic side we have a literary product endued with all
the beauty and charm of Art, and a subtle and delicate
humour which springs from the serenity of the Art itself ;
on the practical side, it subserves a serious purpose and
reveals a definite aim. These miraculous narratives, these
pious stories and examples, are a vehicle for the diffusion
of sound ideas, to counteract the wicked sentiments inspired
by heresy, or the very unfortunate impression produced by
all that was known of Church or Cloister.
To this class of literature belong the sermons of Jacques
de Vitry, the stories of Caesarius of Heisterbach, and
also — let us say it at once — no small part of the Franciscan
Legend.
If the preacher's desire is to combat heretical doctrines
d' apparition dans le moven-age ; Mem. de 1' Inst. nat. de France XXVIII, 2
(1876) 238 seqq. & Schdnbach in Situungsber. der k. Ak. Wien, Bd. 139, I seqq.
I On this book, see Preuschen, Palladius und Rufinus; Beilr. zur Quellenkunde
des alt. Monchtums, 1897; 205 seqq. Kurtz. I § 102.
CHAPTER I 39
hostile to the sacrament of the Eucharist, a learned theolog-
ical discussion on the subject of transubstantiation would
provide him with an opportunity merely of boring his audience
to no purpose ; but a miracle of the type of the famous
miracle of Bolsena immediately arouses wonder and attention
whenever it is related with unctuous eloquence. ^
The heretics held, as we shall see shortly, that Jesus
was a fantastic apparition : and so the miraculous vision of
the Virgin Birth, or the image of the Crucified dripping
with blood and tears — such narratives offer the most vivid
and realistic confutation of the heretical error. We are
now, obviously, very near to the ceremony of the Presepio
di Greccio and the miracle of the Stigmata ; ^ a form of
literature which, with its light and almost gay tone, varied
with a charming playfulness so unlike grave works of theology,
is adapted to every end. From it the preacher will draw
his examples ; from it the man of the cloister will select
his friar types — simple or learned, touchy or placid — for
the instruction of the novices ; the popular theologian and
the moralist will find here their best stories, stories which
illustrate more aptly than any doctrinal commentary the
virtue of the Christian. All, in fact, have in their hand
the secret of unfailing success, which consists in making
oneself understood, while avoiding tediousness. It was
natural that the legend of a Saint like him of Assisi should
be embroidered with popular themes — themes which, though
popular, are none the less intimately related to the theolog-
ical and dogmatic discussions of the period. Round the
' For the doctrinal basis of the question in the Middle Ages, ,see Ernst, Die
Lehre d. hi. Paschasius Radbertus von der Euch. 1 896 : Michaud, Etud. Eucharist.
Rev.-Int. de theol. 1895.
2 On the doctrine of Radbert (expounded in his book De partu virginali) and
that of Ratramnus, see, for the literature, Kurlz 1 § 92.
40 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
central figure of Saint Francis arise, one by one, the second-
ary forms of his " Companions ", immortal creations of
mediaeval art, like Giovanni and Ginepro, the "simple"
friars, whom we shall see again under other names and
in other places; or Egidio, ("Bro. Giles"), who repeats,
as enigmas, the Verba Seniorum from the " Lives of the
Fathers". Every friar is the incarnation or personification
of some one virtue of the Saint. Around the meagre histo-
rical reality of the "Companions" of Francis, the current
of legend builds up a picture, with forms drawn from the
old and inexhaustible store which might truly be designated
" The Legend of the Ages ". By the appeal of his
preaching and of his triumphs Saint Francis has attracted to
himself the wandering story in search of a concrete home in
which to settle ; the special circumstances of the Age have
added, besides the outer shell of the legend, that unity and
special character which it presents to him who studies it.
Meanwhile we must not forget that the Age of Saint Francis
was that which saw the fiercest assault of heresy in Italy :
a subject which cannot be entirely passed over without
damage to the whole argument.
During the W^ and XIP'' centuries the heretics increase
in boldness and in energy. The "Vulpeculae" labour to
destroy the Vineyard of the Lord, ' against which they
wage a truceless war. Active in their preaching, '^ in their
pursuit of knowledge (especially at the University of Paris), ^
1 Already by Gregory the Great the heretics are called oulpes — the same name
that was given them in the later age. Super. Cant. Cant, Expos, c. Ill No. 1 7.
Cfr. Deer. Greg. IX V. 7.10 — Reg. II. No. 643 (Inn. Ill) ; Jacques de Viliy
No. 304.
2 Hence the prohibition of lay preaching. Deer. Greg. IX V. 7, 9 (Lucius III
a. 11 84): V. 7,6 — Cone. Lat. Ill (a. 1 1 79) c. 27; Deer, cit, V, 7. 11 e 1 3 —
Cone. Lat. IV, etc. Caes. VI, 20. 21 ; Tacco, 178.
3 Math. 'Paris, in MG. SS. XXVIII, 231 a. 1242.
CHAPTER I 41
in political intrigues, ' in mutual succour, ^ in the translation
of the Scriptures into the vernacular ; ^ they present an united
front to the enemy, while yet profoundly divided in the
matter of their tenets. They change their names and their
doctrines ; the latter they are prepared to relax or even to
modifiy entirely if circumstances demand it.
A complete classification of the heresies is still to be made.'^
Those which present themselves under the name of Valdo
have tendencies less radical than the rest. These latter, which
are followed by the Cathari, recall more distinctly the ancient
Manichaeism. The Cathari predominate over all the others,
and are themselves subdivided into a number of different sects.
After the middle of the Xlir*" century we have a
description by Berthold of Regensburg of the heretical
doctrines as generally held in common by the mass of the
heterodox ; and it is observable that the differences which
he notes between sect and sect are by no means grave. ^
This is a clear indication that, if repressive measures had not
supervened, some more robust group would have imposed
a certain unity upon the beliefs, the variety of which was
1 They beg the Saracens to aid them against the catholics : Joach. in Apocal.
(ed. Ven. 1527) 134 ; Or is it a calumny, like the " obscene orgies " which certain
Italian historians have adduced, forgetful of the accusations brought against the early
Christians {Justin. Apol. I, 27, 5)? On their depraved characteristics: Moneta,
advers. Cath. et Vald. (Romae 1 743) 545 seqq. R. Sacconi in Marline et Durand,
Thes. novs. V, 1 767 ; Schonbach, in Sitzungsber. Wien XLVII, 62.
2 The heretics of Milan send victuals to those of Brescia, Caes. X, 49.
i Inn. in, Ep. II, 140-1 (ed. Balutius I, 432); Hurler, III, 45-6, Metz.
v^fho does not accord to the Pope even in the days of Gregory VII the right to
excommunicate the Emperor. (Reg. II N. 5000). And these translations prove their
study of the texts. Tract, de Haer. Paup. de Lugd. in Thes. cit. V, 1777; Jizonii,
ad sing. Leges Cod. Comm. (Lugd. 1596) I, 1, 1 [7].
4 Schonbach 1. c. 8, 32 : Tocco, 1 86 seqq.
5 Names: Deer. Greg. IX. V, 7. 9. Reg. II No. 891 ; Stat. Syn. Tull. in
Mansi XXII, 650 (1192); Sacconi in Bibl. Max. Vet. Patrum, XXV, 262, e
in Thes. cit. V, 1 763 ; Berthold of Regensburg speaks of 200 heresies ; Schonbach
1. c. 108.
42 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
proportioned to the greater freedom of the internal consti-
tution of the heretics.
From the Alps to Sicily the serpent of infection trails
its course through the principal cities. The leading part
among all is taken by Milan, which seems to fill the place
occupied in the previous century by Florence. ' Still, even
after the middle of the XIP century, there was living in
the Valley of Spoleto — in touch, therefore, with Assisi
(which in the first years of the XIIP^ century welcomed
as its ruler a heretical podesta) a heterodox community
of a hundred persons. "^
The principal dogmatic errors can be deduced from the
recantation (cleverly transmuted into a profession of orthodox
faith) of Bernardo Primo, ^ who belong to the group of
Lombard Waldensians ; '^ and for commentary on these tenets
and illustration of them we need only go to the polemical
writings of the Inquisitors.'^
Bernardo and his companions now (that is, after their
recantation), acknowledge the Old Testament as the Law
of God ; the mission of the prophets and of the Baptist ; the
divinity and the humanity of Jesus ; the unity of the Roman
Church ; the validity of the Sacraments even if administered
1 Hurler, III, 13 seqq. Schmidt 1, 69 seqq. Tocco III seqq. Reg. II
No. 268.643.684.891,2704.2709.2710,2932,3666,4944" (Inn. Ill) Caes. VII, 23.
Math. Paris. 1. c. 231. For Sicily: Inn. Ill, Ep. 1 509. Inn, III, Ep. XII. 17.
Reg. II No. 3694. Milan had granted a meadow for the meeting of the " Pooeri
Lombardi " even before their abjuration.
2 Reg. II No. 2237 a. 1204; Sacconi, Thes. cit. 1768.
3 Inn. III. Ep. XIII, 94 (ed. Balut. II. 458): Reg. II. No. 4014 a. 1210.
4 Haupt, in Sybel'i Hist. Zeitschr. N. F. XXV. 49-55.
5 We must not stray into dogmatic exposition, a subject on which there is a li-
terature which grows year by year. A small part of this is referred to at the
beginning of the Chapter. Nor do we propose to return entirely under the escort
o f Karl Miiller, to the subject of the relations between the heretical movement
and the Franciscan. The sole purpose of our researches is to give materials for
a just appreciation of the tendency of the Franciscan Legend : no more, and no less.
CHAPTER I 43
by an unworthy priest (so be he orthodox) ; the Sacrament
of the Eucharist whereby, after the consecration, the
bread and wine are the Body and Blood of Christ ; matri-
mony after the teaching of Saint Paul ; all the ecclesiastical
orders — to whom honour is to be paid, — and the efficacy
of intercessions for the souls of the departed. The converts,
mindful that faith is dead without good works, have given
all to the poor, and wish to be poor themselves : quae
habebamus, velut a Domino consultum est, pauperis eroga-
vimus; et pauperes esse decrevimus. They propose to
abjure all anxiety for the morrow, and while remaining in
the world to follow as precepts the counsels of the Gospel.
If we add that the recantation touches on the principle of
the right of the public authority to shed blood in virtue
of the punitive power that belongs to it, we shall have
gathered from the famous document that which throws most
light on the heretical dogmas and principles.
After their conversion the Lombard Waldensians renoun-
ced the absolute liberty of preaching, and devoted themselves
to it only when the permission of the Church had been
previousy obtained. In a word, we have here over again
the lines laid down for the group of Pauperes Catholici
under the leadership of Durandus of Huesca, which had so
meagre a success in the world of orthodoxy.
The doctrines of the Cathari, on the other hand, are more
radical. Throughout their diverse gradations there can be
discernibly traced as a constant factor the collection of pre-
cepts known as the "Three Signs" (whence are derived
the obligations of abstinence, virginity and purity) that is
characteristic of the heresy — or, if we may so call it, the
religion — of Manichaeism, so strangely confounded with
Christianity.
44 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
The sects are distinguished by dogmatic divergences as
regards for instance, the conditional recognition or the absolute
condemnation of the priesthood and the sacraments. But
though little in harmony with one another in other respects,
they are all characterised by a profound and predominating
aversion to the Roman Church. The Church of Rome
is Babylon ; the Pope is Antichrist^ — the successor not of
Christ but of Constantine : ' — in the bosom of that Church
none may hope for salvation. Fanatical, indomitable hatred
reacts on their very beliefs. These beliefs claim to start
from the ancient ideas of the primitive Church, but are
marked by a certain embittered violence and are accom-
panied by a rigorous asceticism intolerant of all those relics
of paganism that had survived in Christian dress.
Places of worship and sacred images are condemned ; ^
the Madonna is an object of derision. ^ Manichaean dualism
treats the impure body very harshly, while pouring itself
out in a kind of pathological tenderness for the things created
by the Good God. The divine creation ought not to be
polluted by the touch of a sacrilegious hand. '^ That which
exists has a right to live. Love, which, in the austerity
1 Muratori, Antiq. Ital. M. Aevi V, 123. Moneta, 409,431. Schoenbac'i,
1. c. 4,19. Thes. cit. V, 1779 etc. etc. Caes. V, 22: Dicebant enim quia Papa
esset Antichristus, et Roma Babylon. Fumi. Cod. Dipl. di Orvieto ( 1 884) ; No. 439.
2 Contempt of the aedes sacrae : Arnob: adv. nat. VI, 1 (CV. 214); of
images ib. & Greg. I, Ep, IX, 208 (Marsilia) ; Mansi Xll, 1060, a. 785. Pro-
bition of swearing : Hist. Lausiac. c. 49 ; Vita Posthumii c. 6 {Migne, Patrol,
lal. LXXIII, Vitae Patrum [Rosrveyde] 1153,432. Errors as regards the Real
Presence of Christ in the Eucharist : Migne, 1. c. 978-9 ; Rosweyde, 635. Even
the form of cross adored by the heretics (the T-shaped) is not a fraud but a return
to archaic traditions ; Luc. Tud. in Bibl. max. vet. patr. cit. XXV, 224.
3 Thes. cit. V, 1764; Bonacorsi, in D'Acbeiy Spicilegium (17-23) I, 208;
so loo the angels, Scboenbacb, 1. c. 3. 6. Muratori, Ant. It. m. aevi V, 250
[Op. Greg.].
4 On the bonus el malus Deus : S. Greg. M. Moral. IX in c. 10 Job ; n. 74.
Caes. V, 21 ; Hamack, I. 735 seqq. Schoenbach, 1. c. 3, 6.
CHAPTER I 45
of the heretical system, is devoid of smiles, expands itself
unchecked in adoration and in the contemplation of the
beauties of the Eternal. The gentle error of Saint Augus-
tine's youthful Manichaean phase is revived — the temper
that weeps in sympathy with the fruit plucked from its
parent stem. ' Satan is not the enemy of God and man, ^
eternally damned. He penetrates, humble and sighing for
pardon, even into the cloisters of the orthodox, in search
of a confessor ; ^ but Saint Michael, to whom he owes his
fall, does not find favour with the heretics.'' Jesus is a
shadow. He has suffered nothing upon earth. His birth
took place in an entirely special way; and the "fantastic"
conception of the Redeemer figures even in the sermons
of Innocent III where the horrible heresy is combated.
Hence arises also the kindred error on the Body of Jesus
in the Eucharist, which makes it a mere sign and figure
of the "fantastic" flesh assumed by the Saviour.'
Throughout, the inquisitors are at one in recognising the
gentleness and austerity of the heretics' lives, the persuasive
sweetness of their preaching, and their intrepid and unflin-
1 Condemnation of marriage: Eckbert. in Max. Bibl. cit. XXIII, 601 ; Concil.
Tolos. (a. 1119) c. 3; Mansi, VII 226. Schoenbach, 1. c. 9, 63. Abstinence from
certain kinds of food Schoenhuch, 1. c. - 5. August. Confess. Ill, 10; VI, 7.
CV. 59, 125-6.
2 Schoenbach, 1. c. 9, 21 : Quod iniuste sit ejectus Lucifer et orant et jejunant
et se cruciant pro illo. Si Lucifer malus fuit, quid ad Michahelem ?
3 Caes. Ill, 26.
4 See note 2.
5 Mansi I. c. Cone. Tol. c. 3. Alanus, Migne Patrol, lat CCX, 321 ; Pa-
schasius, Migne CCXX, 1259 seqq. Schoenbach, 1. c. 16,25,63,67,76. Inno-
cenzo III: Reg. II No. 3684; Op. (Ven. 1578). There is a reference not
yet observed in S. Pier Damiano, II, 162 : Theotocos quia Deum veraciter genuit.
The Eucharistic heresy s clearly expressed in the " Verba seniorum " : Migne
LXXIII, 978-9 {Rossweyde V. P. 635) : Dicebat non esse naluraliter corpus
ChrisU panem, quern sumimus, sed figuram eius esse. The miracle supervenes to
convince the " simple " heretic. For other identical miracles see 5. P. Damiani,
Op. Ill, 294; Caes IX, 23; IX. 41.
46 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
ching courage in the face of death. ' The continual oscil-
lation of the various beliefs makes it difficult to discern
beneath the piety of an heretic, the inner poison of the
doctrine ^ that has made headway especially among the
poor, the unfortunate and the destitute. ^
This is not the place to treat of the " Consolamentum "
which is the most important of heretical ceremonies : ^ but
it will be well to bear in mind that in that ceremony the
Gospel of Saint John — always a favourite in heretical cir-
cles^ — plays a leading part. '^
Another point noted by Berthold of Regensburg as
a peculiar gift of the heretics is the knowledge of many
languages. This may probably be due to the frequent rela-
tions between groups belonging to different nationalities;
Berthold characteristically atrributes it to Satanic agency. ^
Of the modest merchant class — sure channel of Albi-
gensian doctrine^ — in a city far from friendly to that sacer-
dotal authority which steered tenaciously its cold pohtical
course regardless of Signorie or free communes ; *^ amid a
whirlwind of doctrines and of conflicts ; in an atmosphere
where the ecstatic tenderness of heresy was further sweetened
1 Muralori, 1. c. 98; Thes. cit. V, 1780; Caes. V. 18, 19, 20 etc. " ora-
tiones dulces " : Schoenbach, 1. c. 18. For the prohibition to kill animals etc. Thes.
cit. V, 1780.
2 A long trial was necessary to discover whether Pongilupi of Ferrara was
a heretic or not: Muratori 1. c. 191 seqq.
3 Math. Paris, in Mon. Germ. Hist. XXVIII, 231 (mercatores) ; Schoenbach,
1 20 : workmen, rustics, slaves, Luc. Tud. Bibl. cit. XXV, 242 : nisi ab aliis
accipiant eleemosynam, vel nisi propiis manibus operantur, non habent unde pas-
cantur; cfr. Caes. V, 21.
4 Doellinger 11 39.
5 Doellinger I, 119; Schoenbach, 1. c. 93.94.^
6 Schoenbach, 1. c. 20,23 ; et ille diabolus scit quatuor vel decern linguas.
7 Math. Paris, in MGH. SS. XXVlll. 331.
8 Picker, Forsch. zur Reichs-und Rechtsgesch. Italiens, 1869 II § 281,364,370.
Ancient struggles between bishop and people in Assisi : S. P. Dam. II, 87.
CHAPTER I
47
by the mild Italian temper; in days when the name of
Jesus, symbol of peace and love, was invoked alike by
him who was condemned and succumbed, and by him
who condemned and triumphed — arises Saint Francis of
Assisi. '
I Born between 1181 and 1 1 82 — died in 1 226.
CHAPTER II
THE EARLIEST BIOGRAPHER OF ST. FRANCIS :
THOMAS OF CELANO
THE FIRST LIFE.
BETWEEN 1 228 and 1 229 Thomas of Celano, by
express command of pope Gregory IX, wrote the
"First Life" of Saint Francis, and between 1246 and
1247, commissioned by the General Minister of the Order,
he completed the other work commonly known as the ** Se-
cond Life. " ^
If we are to credit a note attached to a famous manu-
script, the "First Life" will have had the solemn appro-
bation of the Pope. ^ As for the second, the importance
of which, in so far as relates to the development of the
legendary cycle, has been pointed out quite recendy by a
1 Sabatier, Vie de s. Fransois [1905] XLV seqq. For the enormously diffuse
literature on the fontes franciscani I content myself with a single reference : Goetz,
Die Quellen zur Geschichle des hi. Franz von Assisi [Gotha 1 904] 56 seqq. The
First Life is quoted from the text of the Bollandists : Acta Sanctorum, T. II Oct.
683-723 ; the " Second ", according to the MS of the Legenda antiqua, published
by Rosedale, Legenda s. Francisci auctore Thoma de Celano ; [London, Dent]
1 904. The edition of Canon Leopoldo Amoni (Roma Tip. della Pace 1 880) has
been followed only in the division of the parts and chapters. The letter R followed
f by a number refers to the page in Rosedale's text. The text itself has now been
[j corrected according to the edition of P. Eduardus Alenconensius, S. Francisci As-
sisiensis Vita et miracula auctore Fr. Thoma de Celano. Romae, 1906.
2 Rosedale XXVI. MS. Paris, lat. 381 7 : But the remarks of Tilemann Spec,
perfectionis und Leggenda trium sociorum (diss, di Laurea) 30-31 must not be
neglected.
50 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
most acute writer on Franciscan subjects, ^ we shall see
very soon what place it takes in our researches.
Of the man to whom the papal authority entrusted this
very important task we do not know very much. Until
G. Voigt published the ^editio princeps of the chronicle of
Giordano da Giano, ^ nothing was known of Thomas except
those feeble glimmerings that had been passed on to us,
directly, from his own works and those of the writers of
the XIIP'' and XIV"" centuries. ^ One point was indisput-
able, namely that the First and second Life were his;
but his personality remained in considerable obscurity.
Thomas relates how the Good God, who was pleased
of His sole bounty to be mindful of him and of "many
others, " prevented the Saint from reaching Marocco, and
called him back from Spain to Assisi. '^ In these somewhat
enigmatic terms the biographer alludes to his own conversion ;
which would thus have occurred between 1213 and 1 2 1 6 —
at the period, that is, of the projeced mission to Marocco
which was never fulfilled. ^ The months which preceded
and those which immediately followed this date are notable
for the large accessions to Saint Francis' band, of laymen
and ecclesiastics, learned and ignorant, noble and simple,
all ahke fleeing from the world and the temptations of the
devil. " But the most noble and discreet soul of Francis, "
Thomas adds, "did not fail to distinguish between the
1 Ortroy, Analecta Bolland. XIX, 1 36 seqq. A more radical demolition of
the Legend of the Three Companions could not be conceived.
2 Die Denkwiirdigkeiten (1207-1238) des Minoriten Jordanus von Giano in
Bd. V der Abhandl. der phil, Hist. Classe der k. Sachsischen-Gesellsch. der Wis-
senschaften, N. VI, (Leipzig 1870) 423 seqq.
3 Salimbene, Chr. 60; Analecta Franciscana (1885 seqq). HI, 666. (Bernardus
de Bessa).
4 I Vita 56.
5 Goetz, 60 note 5.
CHAPTER II 51
antecedents of the various persons who joined him ; and
to each he accorded the respect that was due to his rank ". '
Among the lettered and noble men who attached them-
selves to the Saint on his return to the Portiuncula, Thomas
himself must be placed ; for there is every reason to suppose
that he belonged to the learned and aristocratic class.
Sabatier infers from Thomas' narrative that the biographer
of Saint Francis was probably son of that Thomas, count
of Celano who is so often mentioned by Richard of
St. Germain and in the letters of Frederic II to Honorius III.^
He observes, however, that the history of the Celano family
is somewhat involved. They not only gave Innocent III
and his successors much trouble in the South, ' but also
played a notable part in the events of central Italy.
When Otho IV took away the Marca d' Ancona from
the rebellious Azzo VI of Este he bestowed it on a certain
Pietro da Celano who died in 1212. The descendants of
this man were zealous supporters of the Imperial cause, and
unsuccessfully disputed the possession of the Marca with
the Pope, who had restored the investiture to Aldobrandino,
Azzo s son. In 1214 Innocent III excommunicated them,
and they were subsequently defeated by the Lord of Este. ^
Perhaps this double disaster may explain Thomas' resolution,
for certainly the date of the disasters of the House of Celano
would seem to correspond with that of the entrance into
the Order of the future biographer of Saint Francis. We
are, of course, in the region of hypotheses— not improbable
1 I Vita 56. 57.
2 Vie de s. Franjois, LlII note 1.
3 Reg. II N. 1537. 2926; MG. Ep. Pontif. Rom. Saec. XIII. I. N. 223.
296, 370, 371, 399. Cfr. for the history of the family. Ughelli-Coleti, Italia Sacra.
1. 904-7 (doc. a. 1178-1179).
4 Hurler. Ill, 430-1, Ficker, Forsch. cit. II § 371 : Muratori, Antiq. Est. I.
417-19; Ann. Patav. in MG. SS. XIX, 151. '
52 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
ones, but still hypotheses. Nor would the name itself prove
much. We know that the Frati Minori, like the rest, used
to change their name at their profession. '
I should attach more importance, however, to the nar-
rative which appears in the "Second Life", where it is
recorded that apud Celanum the Saint made a present of
cloth to an imprudent old woman. ^ Did not Thomas wish
by means of this narrative, to link the name of his own
native place to one of the many glories of Saint Francis?
But the two Lives, when studied as fine literary and
dogmatic elaborations of a single principle which animates
the whole, tell us something more. They tell us, above
all that when Thomas entered the Order he had already
attained a remarkable degree of culture, and that therefore
he was no longer a mere boy. Admission into the Order
was possible at fifteen years, ere the famous Pythagorean
"parting of the ways"-^ had been fully attained; but at
fifteen one's stock of knowledge is scanty. And after
Thomas had donned the serge of the Franciscan, the first
fervour of the monastic life, and then the missionary labours
which followed, would have left him no leisure to devote
himself assiduously to studies. ^ Probably — it is a word
that we shall necessarily repeat with some frequency — pro-
bably when Thomas became a Minorite he was already
1 Salimbene, 1 1 . St. Francis himself gives the name " Pacific© *' to the famous
Rex Versuum when he receives him in the Rule : II Vita, III, 49; Rosedale, 58.
2 II Vita III, 10 ; R, 48, 49. Cfr. Sabatier, Speculum perfectionis seu Franc.
Assis. Legenda antiquissima (1898) c. 29 ; 58 nota 1. St. Francis is also made to
lay at Padua the first stone of the monastery of Cella ; Lib. regim. Padue ed Bo-
nardi ( 1 899) 79, indeed Ihe chroniclers cause him to go to every place where they
desire the Saint's presence to lend solemnity to the events which they record.
3 Salimbene, 10-1: cfr. 1 20 : The phrase is typical of the Middle Ages.
4 The Studi of the Order flourish at a much later period. H. Felder, Ge-
schichte der wiss. Studien im Franziskanerord, 1904. 32 seqq.
CHAPTER II 53
a cleric. At any rate Giordano does not put him among
the lay brethren. ' If he did belong to a noble family, he
would have found time to attend some school or celebrated
University ^ while his people were immersed in political life.
His deep culture is, however, in itself no real proof of
noble birth. The aristocratic classes had, in general, no
consummate familiarity with the alphabet, ^ though frequent
exceptions are not lacking. The south took its share in
the scientific and literary development of the rest of Italy
without distinction of classes. '^
An attentive observer of minutiae might find faint indi-
cations of noble lineage in the not unfrequent allusions to
the nobility and it various grades, so inappropriate in the
Life of such a Saint as Francis of Assisi.
The notices of our biographer, properly so called, come,
all of them, from Giordano di Giano. As has already
been said, when the second mission to Germany was decided
upon, in 1221, it was left to the freewill of those who
should volunteer to take part in it, seeing that grave peril
was to be faced. In the famous chapter of 1221, in which
we see Saint Francis abandon himself amost entirely into
the hands of Bro. Elias, ^ the most vivid picture of the
1 Voigl, 526 c. 19.
2 The liberal studies were followed by theology : Chartul. Univ. I N. 26 ;
a. 1160 c.
3 Odofred, 1 70 ; C. I 46 ; de off. iudicum. 5. Petri Damiani, Op. II, 208.
4 Ughelli-Coleti, Italia sacra, VII, 209; Salimbene, 64, 66, 141, Mon. Neapol.
Reg. Neap. II, I ed. Capasso pag. 59; a 1181 ; Cod. Dipl. Barese V, N. '44.
158. Cfr. Huillard-Brebolles. Hist. dipl. Frid. II ; IV, I, 383. Siragusa, II regno
di Guglielmo I; I. 139.
5 Voigt, 524, c. 1 7 : Et beatus Franciscus, sedens ad pedes Helye fratris,
iraxit eum per tunicam ; and this because b. F. tunc debilis erat, et quidquid,
zx parte sui, capitulo dicendum erat frater Helias loquebatur. On Elias there is
i monograph by Lempp, (T. Ill de la Coll. d' Etudes etc. sur 1' hist, religieuse et
ett. du m. age) ; but the interpretation there given of the character of the famous
O-a/e is open to doubt.
54 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
primitive Franciscan Society comes before us. It embraces
already representatives of the various regions of Italy and
of Germany; nay, there is a Hungarian also, and there
figures here that Giovanni da Piano dei Carpini about whom
there has been so much discussion/ A thrill of adventurous
and very joyous asceticism animates the great assembly, '^
which has assumed the character of the chapters of the
Missionary Orders. ^
We have already observed that our biographer gave in
his name to the head of the German expedition, Caesarius
of Spires, who collected a hand, of twenty-five Minorites,
partly laymen, partly ecclesiastics, including some excellent
preachers and men of noble birth. Giordano does not record
the aristocratic origin of Thomas of Celano, as he actually
does, for instance, of Simone Tosco ; but to Thomas' name
he appends that Brother's greatest title to fame — -Tomaso
de Zelano, il quale poi scrisse la prima e la seconda leg-
genda di S. Francesco. '^
At the moment when the future biographer of the Saint
set foot in Germany, Caesarius of Heisterbach was publishing
his famous "Oialogue on Miracles", which Thomas was
to remember later on.
In 1 223 Caesarius of Spires as provincial minister entrusted
to Thomas the custodia of Mayence, Worms, Cologne and
Spires, and the government also of the whole province during
his absence.^ Thomas' office came to an end with the de-
spatch from Italy of the new provincial minister Albert of
1 Voigt, 465 seqq.
2 Voigt, 524-5: an entire chapter (18) is devoted to the cheering little story
of Bro. Palmerio of Monte Gargano 1
3 See the episode of the Life' of S. Romuald in 5. P. Damiani Op. II, 2 1 8.
4 Voigt, 516; c. 19.
5 Voigt, 531-2; c. 30, 31.
CHAPTER 11 55
Pisa. ' Giordano did not see him again till 1 230, when
he received from him, at Assisi, a miraculous relic of the
Saint. '
We know nothing more of the biographer. That which
he narrates in the First and the Second Life, in the capacity
of an eyewitness and an intimate friend of Saint Francis,
must be received, as we shall presently demonstrate, with
considerable diffidence. ^ But nevertheless the fact of his
presence at Assisi in 1 230 would shew that during the
last years of Francis' life Thomas had some influence among
those who formed the Saint's immediate circle. To the
learned group belonged also Caesarius of Spires, who adorned
the simple Rule with flowers culled from the gospel ; ^ and
if the cautious protector of the Order turned for the com-
pilation of the " Legend " to another member of the learned
nucleus, Thomas of Celano, he undoubtedly had his reasons
for doing so. Such a task could not be imposed upon
the latest comer. When Nicholas IV wished to establish
the certainty of the miracles which God had wrought through
the merits of Louis IX of France, he sent thither a man
of great renown. Maestro Rolando da Parma, who returned
with the most exsquisite proofs of some eighty miracles,
and was rewarded by the Pope with a bishopric.^ What
reward was given to Thomas of Celano I do not know ;
but we may be sure that the service rendered to Gregory
was quite as good as that which Nicholas received. The
Pope formally canonized the Poor Man of Assisi; the
1 Voigl, I. c.
2 Voigt. 543 : c. 59.
3 Vita 11 Prol. R. 8.
4 Voigt, 522 c. 15. The final Rule was edited directly by Gregory IX in
person.
5 Salimbene, 351.
56 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
rhetorician of Celano canonized him in literature. The
nimbus of the Saint intervenes to interrupt our view of
the figure of the man who approached so near, in
sweetness of character, to his Master ; and the luxuriant
rhetorical foliage of the First Life scarcely allows any outlet
for the subtle perfume of that mystic flower which opened
on the serene Umbrian hill.
There is a complete library, for those who care to consult
it, on the tendency and value of the two Lives of Thomas
of Celano. The First Life is recognised as the principal
source for the history of Saint Francis. Its style may be
at times tediously rhetorical, and the aims of the writer
obvious and by no means above suspicion ; but the fact
remains that without Thomas one cannot write about Francis.
If there is any hope of obtaining a less obstructed view
of the figure of St. Francis, the slender thread by which
that hope is suspended leads up to the work of Thomas
of Celano, the influence of which lies heavy upon all the
subsequent literature on the subject whether historical or
legendary. And here it is not easy to reject the weighty
arguments adduced by Ortroy for the demolition of the
" Legend of the Three Companions ". ' The majority of
the early Franciscan documents have as real a dependence
on Thomas' work as a full flowing river has upon its remote
source ; and that in spite of the various storms which con-
vulsed the Order. Hence the practical uselessness of any
laborious and intricate study, however learned, of the various
modifications of the narrative, which has not its eye always
upon the original sources. From the two "Lives" issue
the subtle threads which lead to the tendencies of the various
I Anal. BoIIandiana XIX (1900) 119; 126, 140 »eqq.
CHAPTER II 57
groups and individuals. An episode that has become stereo-
typed in monastic and dogmatic traditions, grows living
and fresh as the old slumbering ideas awake to life, and
presents itself with characteristics that suggest the most con-
summate originality.
How many eulogies, for instances, have been evoked by
the " ingenuous charm "of the Fioretti ? An historian, who
is endowed also with some of the finest gifts of the artist, sees
in the Fioretti a portrait of the Italian spirit, and does not
hesitate to affirm that "Without the Fioretti, if we had
only Thomas and St. Bonaventura to turn to, there would
have been one name the more to add to the "Common
of Confessors not Bishops" with St. Dominic and St. Anthony
of Padua, but we should have lost a figure unique in the
annals of the Christian Church. " ^
How many revelations, again, are we expected to draw
from the Speculum Perfectionis, attributed to the good
Brother Leo !
It will be better to look at things calmly. Let us take the
sources as we find them, not suspecting erasures, suppressions,
corrections in the records in order to give ourselves the
opportunity of reconstructing them in what may seem to us
to have been their original state. To give way to such
ideas is to fall into a confused muddle from which it is
I Sabalier, Floretum s- Francis. Assis. (1903) Vl-IX. The most recent edi-
tors of the text of the Fioretti {Fornaciari, Fir., Barbera 1902; 421, and 'Pai-
serini, Fir. 1903; 247-8), have constantly reproduced Cesari's readings, not ob-
serving that now and again the halting sense is due to the fact that the trans-
lator had before him a corrupt Latin original, i cite a single example. In the
chapter of the Doctrine of Bro. Giles " della oziositatt " {Cesari, 1 73), non
pone mai pentola vuota al fuoco, sotto la speranza (!!) del tuo vicino, is a
phrase which makes utter nonsense. In the true Latin text (Acta SS. T. Ill
Apr. 229) we read ad sepem vicini tut non ponas ollam ad ignem. An old
translator read " ad spem " ; and after him every one has reproduced the strange
blunder.
ii
58 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
difficult to extricate oneself. But criticism itself has surprises
to offer which are not invariably of the unpleasant kind.
And if we demonstrate that the most prolific of Franciscan
sources is not original, and cut away from the form of the
Saint the literary incrustations that have gathered round it,
we may perhaps succeed, by dint of very patient labour
in reaching the truth. If we do, we shall find something
very far removed from the fantastic creation with which
art has made us familiar — a phantasm that cannot bear the
weight of serious scientific investigation.
Our study of Thomas of Celano will, then, subserve the
double purpose of detecting the all too vivid literary remi-
niscences with which his biography abounds, and revealing
the design which is its inspiration — two matters which are
intimately and psychologically connected with one another.
Let us penetrate into the biographer's mind ; and when
the works to which he has recourse are known to us the
truth will become obvious. If — to give one or two exam-
ples — Saint Francis had not spent a more than careless
youth, Thomas would not have been reminded of the conver-
sion of Saint Augustine. Again when he describes the death
and apparition of the Saint almost in the exact words of
Sulpicius Severus, we perceive at once that Thomas has
transformed himself into a biographer of that Saint Martin
who appears to Sulpicius "borne up of a white clond"
simply to recompense him for the trouble of having written
his Life : so much so that Saint Martin, suspended smiling
between heaven and earth, displays to Sulpicius the book
contciining that Life. Further, the thorough acquaintance
which Thomas shews With the works of Gregory the
Great serves to explain many enigmas of the Life, and
perhaps also of the Franciscan Rule ; since the environment
CHAPTER II 59
saturated with dogmatic and theological literature of which
Thomas is the principal specimen, is precisely that in which
Saint Francis' activities were manifested.
The man of God, great in his simplicity, was surrounded
by those who set themselves to conform his acts and words
to the correct type of the normal saint. He himself was
writing his own life, as it were, day by day, as he followed
the track that was marked out for him to attain to cano-
nization ; though not without a sigh of regret for the ideal
which was losing itself in the dark mists of monasticism.
The group that was guiding the Saint up to that Calvary —
guiding him without realising his greatness ' — included in
Thomas of Celano, a man supremely capable of delineating
his master's likeness as those in high places wished it to
appear. The companions of Francis, witnesses to the out-^
raged truth, even when unable to reconcile themselves to
the official biography, were forced to make it their starting-
point. Bro. Leo certainly author of the Life of Egidio^
(though not in the precise form in which it has come down
to us), was perhaps the most effectual verbal redactor of
the pontifical Legend : and what was gathered from his
words and what was added to them, was attributed to him —
with a certain mystery which, on a close scrutiny, recalls
1 I Vita 54 : Habentes cognoscere non curavimus . . , (I).
2 Salimbene, 322-3. On the rotuli and the cedulae of Bro. Leo, which
remind me, as I have remarked above, of the v^^ritings concealed in Archbishop
Riculfs desk (Hinschius. Deer. Pseudo-Isid. (1863) I, CLXXXIV), see Sabatier,
Spec. perf. LXXX seqq. and the just scepticism of Delia Giovanna, who applies
quite other laws than those of the life to the history of the sources : Giornaie
storico della Lett. it. XXV (1895) 46 seqq.
For the correction of, and allusions to the First Life of Celano, cfr. Vita
Aeg. Acta SS. T. Ill Apr. 224 n. 1 1. " 'Penetrans Mima cordis " is however
a phrase of Thomas' ; on the episode in I Vita 46, we shall have occasion to
dwell later on. Cfr. Lemmens, Doc. ant. franc. 1901 I, H seqq. (Scripla
Fratris Leonis).
60 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
that of the celebrated ecclesiastical forgeries of the IX*^ cen-
tury. At all events it is evident that Thomas of Celano —
alike in his truths and in his falsehoods — is part and parcel
of the Franciscan literary movement : nay, he initiates it
and sums it up, he dominates it alive and dead.
So too the Speculum Perfectionis draws from him its
original matter, even if it deviates purposely from the precise
signification borne by the words and deeds in the Second
Life. But instead of wasting time in further dogmatising,
let us draw closer, and study the First Life, intus et in
cute with the critical methods already suggested.
The favourite theme of mediaeval literature is hagiography.
In the Life of a Saint the writer seeks and finds a way
to exhibit his fine qualities of artist and believer, and there
is nothing to prevent him from putting into it whatever he
likes— sacred or profane, fanciful or real— provided only it
be not uninteresting. Frequently the real hero in a work
of hagiography is the author himself, who now conceals
and now displays himself according to circumstances, con-
verging on his own person a little of that light which he
has diffused on the saint whom he is celebrating. But
this is not all : his own hero must needs be superior to
the rest ; and therefore reality is helped out by imagination
to the limit of credibility according to the ideas of the
time. '
Nothing could be more rigidly stereotyped than this kind
of literature. Its inspirations come straight from the Go-
spels, because every saint is a pale reflection of Christ,
The old Acts of the Martyrs, the epic of monachism col-
lected in the Book of the Vitae Patrum, certain typical
1 But even then not everything was believed : Sulp. Sev. Dial. 1, 26 ; (CV.
178).
CHAPTER II 61
pages of the ecclesiastical writers most in vogue — Sulpicius
Severus, Gregory of Tours, Pope Gregory I — each of
these in turn supplies material, ever old and ever new,
for the entire hagiography of the Middle Ages. That
hagiography has its laws, its canons, from which the writer
never deviates. This is the best explanation of the fact
that saints are so remarkably like one another.
Already in his prologue, by the customary promise to
tell the truth, and the conventional excuses for his own
unworthiness, Thomas displays his knowledge of the rules
of the art. '
There is another truth which it was incumbent on the
biographer of Saint Francis to disclose ; and it is a very
simple matter. From the first moments of the Saint's vo-
cation to the time of his submission to the Holy See ^ ;
from the day which was marked by the intervention of
large numbers of the learned clergy, and the diplomacy
of Cardinal Ugolino of Ostia, up to the last hours of
Francis' life — the entire life of the "poverello d'Assisi"
must be shewn to have been a continuous and unmistake-
able application in practice of the principles of the Rule
approved by Honorius III. Francis, to adopt the old
J Compare the following passages : Vita Pachomii c. 54, Migne LXXIII,
272: Paulini, Vita s. Ambros. (Op. s. Ambros. Venetiis 1781) VII p. I. Ea
quae a probatissimis viris . . . didici . . . ; non magis phaleras pompasque verborum,
quam virtutem . . . spectare conveniat ; Rufini, Hist, mon. Migne XXI, 388 : non
lam ex stylo laudem requirens ; Widrici, Vita s. Gerhardi (c. a. 974) : rimari
verborum faleramenta. S. P. Damiani, Vita Odilonis, Op. II, 193, V, s. Ro-
mualdi 11, 201 ; cfr. Ill, 433, II, 52. Fausti R. Op. CV. N. S. VI, 195 etc.
etc. Cfr. Caesarii Heist. Praef. Testis est mihi Dominus nee unum quidem ca-
pitulum, in hoc dialogo, me finxisse etc. An ancient and very remarkable type
occurs in the Life of Severinus written by Eugippus (II Ed. MG. 1898); and
in that of Saint Martin {Sulp. Sever. CV., 109 seqq.).
2 Regula antiqua (The epithet is convenient for the avoiding of all contro-
versy) c. 1. cfr. Reg, 1223 c. 1 . It is a principle very religiously observed in
the Order. Salimbene, 1 1 9.
62 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
philosophic phrase, had been the "living Rule"; in the
Rule there was nothing that had not been found first in
him. All the characteristics of the last years of that most
pious existence, (when, as a matter of fact, it had lost its
early freedom) ; all the events which were believed to
have followed on his death — all must be expounded as
willed and thought out by the Saint in his first moments
of inspiration . . . yes, even to the " confutation of heretical
depravity", a field open first to the Dominicans and af-
terwards to the Minorites. '
The close and suffocating atmosphere which the monas-
tic life exhales, miserably ruined as monasticism is by the
rigour of traditional formality, penetrates into the first, and
still more into the second of Thomas' biographies.
None has ever set himself more determinedly than Tho-
mas o£ Celano to conceal in the obscurity of the cloister
the form of the man who had such a strong feeling for
the poetry of the universe ; of the man who — rare example
indeed in the annals of monasticism ! — would have no
houses for the brethren; whose mission was to renew the
world by poverty and love, not to corrupt it by the example
of idleness and vice. ^
All this we shall have occasion to remark as we
follow the biographer's narrative.
After an eulogy of Gregory the IX'^ and the cardinals
1 Salimbene, 35 a. 1233. The Milanese Bro. Leo is described as " magnus
persecutor haereticorum et confutator el superator ".
2 Thorn, de Eccleston, in Mon. Germ. Hist. XXVIII, 561. In capitulo
generali . . . praecepit s. Franciscus destrui domum, que fuerat edificata propter
capitulum ... a. 1 22 1 . The Speculum, which partly copies the Secunda Vila,
is of so late a date that its compiler no longer understands the true signification
of mililes (i. e. the noble classes, as opposed to the populus), and makes them gen-
darmes or town guard, called in to maintain order during General Chapter. Cfr.
Cotz, 165.
CHAPTER II 63
who have canonized the Saint, Thomas enters upon his
theme.
Obviously the wild youth of Saint Francis was still
vividly present to the memory of those who subsequently
venerated, in the former prodigal, the spouse of evangelical
Poverty. The biographer is conscious of the difficulty of
his subject. It was not till later that the so-called " Le-
gend of Peace " ' (as though facts had the ductility of
opinions and could be made to accommodate themselves
to times and men !) should dare calmly to alter the truth.
Thomas, however, does not lose courage. He has com-
posed his two first paragraphs with ideas, phrases and
words that are most indubitably taken from Saint Gregory
the Great, Juvenal, and Saint Augustine. His first inspi-
ration comes from the characteristic opening of Gregory's
Life of Saint Benedict. The sad end of the child accu-
stomed to blasphemy recorded in the same writer's Dia-
logues, and the Conversion of Saint Augustine, with a
sprinkling of classical reminiscences from the Satiric Poet —
these complete the picture. ^ As it was not open to the
biographer to be silent or to lie, he was constrained to
explain and to justify. The saint, he urges, was not to
1 So says Lemmens, Doc. ant. franc. Spec, perfect. (1901) 1 1, a propos of
the official Legend of St. Bonaventure. Cfr. Sabatier, Vie, 9.
2 I Vita 1 : Vir erat etc. Greg. M. Dial. II, 1 Fuit vir etc. I Vita 1 :
remisse nimis et dissolute filios suos studeant educare. Dial. IV, 18: nim/s car-
naliter diiigens, remisse nutriebat. The ref. in the Dialogues is found also in
Jacques de Vitry, Exempla N. 294. The typical ' rake ' is also described in
Boeth. De discipl. schol. (Basil. 1570) 1279; c. 2: Qui discurrit per vicos et
tahernas etc. The verses of Juvenal to which Celano alludes are to be found in
Sat. XIV 3 seqq. cfr. v. 38 . . . ne crimina nostra sequantur (Tom. a pueritia
nos omnia mala sequantur). The pjissage of S. Augustine (Confess. II, 3 ; CV.
XXXIII, 34) is as follows ; ego ne vituperarer, vitiosor fiebam, et ubi nan sub-
erat, quo admisso aequarer perditis, fingebam me fecisse quod non feceram, ne
viderer abiectior, quo eram innocentior, et ne vilior haberer, quo eram castior.
Ecce cum quibus comitibus iter agcbam platearum Bab^loniae et volutabar in
64 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
blame for his own unfortunate bringing-up ; it was the Age
that was responsible, with its degenerate traditions of child-
nurture. In other words, Francis was the offspring of the
century in which he saw the light ; though no small pro-
portion of his faults are to be laid at the door of the
father who was utterly careless about the Christian edu-
cation of his son. The rest of the narrative represents the
logical development of the profound antagonism between
father and son, which finds its climax in the dramatic
ceremony before the bishop of Assisi.
From the wordly life of the Italian youth, ' gay and
reckless as that of the hrigata spendereccia of Siena, Tho-
mas leads Francis on to the critical moment of his con-
version, drawing his inspiration once more from Saint Au-
gustine. Augustine is converted by a book, Francis by
an unnamed friend ; and the Augustinian phraseology again
peeps out from the biographer's mosaic ^ ; but the grotto
and the friend that turn the Saint's footsteps to the path
of the "vita evangelica" — to sell all he has and give all
to the poor — these savour of heresy.
The enthusiasm that burst forth in the description of
caeno. Compare with this I Vita 1 : Simulant miseri plerumque se nequiora
fecisse quam fecerint, ne videantur abiecliores, quo innocenliores existunt . . . Iter
agens per medium platearum Babyloniae etc.
On the evil of youthful corruption Qreg. M. Moral. XV in c. 20 Job.
For the " vitiata radix", see 5. P. Dam. Op. II, 21.
1 Buoncompagni, Cedrus, in Quellen zur bay. und deutsch. Geschichte IX,
1 863 ; 1 22 : Fiunt etiam in multis partibus ytalie quedam iuvenum societates etc.
Even that of the " Round Table " is not wanting.
2 Vita 3 : Sicque diu infirmatus - cum - paululum respirasset - sed pulchri-
ludo agrorum vinearum amoenitas, et quicquid visu pulchrum est, in nuUo enim
potuit delectare - coepit se ipsum vilescere sihi ; Confess. V, 9 ( 1 03) : et ecce
excipior ibi flagello aegritudinis - Confess. IV, 7 (73) : non in amoenis nemo-
ribus, non in ludis atque cantibus etc. Horrebant omnia ; III, 4 (48) : ille vero
liber mutavit affectum meum - "Oiluit mihi repente omnis vana spes etc.
CHAPTER II 65
that most beauteous bride, evangelical Poverty ' seems to
me to have some relationship with the splendid dream of
Joannes Eleemosinarius, ' whose Life, translated into Latin,
was considerably diffused in the Middle Ages.
Strange that the fervqur of Saint Francis should have
had, according to Thomas, so peculiar a way of expressing
itself ! The Saint, newly recruited into Christ's army, enters
into the ruined church of Saint Damian, and devoutly kisses
the ' sacred ' hands of the poor priest, offering him such
money as he has with him. Already we begin to discern
the outlines of the thesis which will shortly come before
us in more clear and definite form.
Meanwhile Thomas does not forget his authorities for
a moment : the tumult and anxiety of mind that are the
normal accompaniments of contrition, are described in a
clever paraphrase of a passage from Saint Gregory. '
More attention is due to that culminating point in Francis'
life where he breaks off, once for all from his family and
from the world : I mean the scene that is enacted in the
presence of Guido, bishop of Assisi. Here Thomas' nar-
rative is not over-consistent, with regard to the jurisdiction
of the bishop of Assisi ; for that prelate had not the double
1 1 Vita 7. - Jordanus {%)oigt, 516, c. I) says that Francis at first lived
habitu heremitico (a. 1207 ?).
2 Vita Joannis Eleem. c. 7 ; Migne LXXIII, 345 : Video una noctium, in
somnis, puellam quamdam, cuius species supra solem splendebat - aestimavi esse
mulierem . . . Ego sum prima filiarum Regis . . . Compassio ac Eleemosyjna.
3 Vita 6 : — corde quiescere non valebat. Cogilationes variae sibi invicem
succedebant, et ipsarum importunitas eum duriter perturbabat. 5. Greg. M. Moral.
IV in c. 3 Job. n. 32 : Cum enim ad mentem male gesta poenitendo reducimus,
gravi moerore confundimur, perstrepit in animo turba cogitationum, moeror con-
tent, anxietas devastat, in aerumnas mens vertitur. - The phrase of Celano (16):
ardebat intus igne divino ; et conceptum ardorem mentis celare de forii non Va-
lebat. recalls the identical words of St. Bernard, Sermo LXVII (T. 11, 781):
Sic flagrans ac vehemens amor, praesertim divinus, cum se intra cohibere non
valet, non attendit quo ordine, qua lege, quave serie, seu paucitate verborum ebulliat.
66 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
power, spiritual and temporal, such as belonged, for in-
stance, to the see of Fermo. ' And Francis, and although
he proposed to take up the life of a hermit, was still in
lay communion : and not only so, but he did not belong
to any Rule. In a case that is in some ways analogous,
but more serious than this inasmuch as the Order had
already been constituted, Salimbene's father applies directly
to the imperial authority for a rescript when he desires
to recover his son who has been received by the Mino-
rites. ^ But Bernardone had no need at all to call in the
bishop's intervention ; so much so that the so-called " Le-
gend of the Three Companions", taking up the argument
much later, makes the father bring an action against his
son, guilty of having carried off the money from his house,
before the consuls ; and it is the consuls who summon
Francis. And only when the son pleads that he is al-
ready a Servant of God, is Bernardone obliged to renew
his plaint before the bishop. ^ Since, therefore, the said
"Legend" is undoubtedly derived from sources more re-
cent even than that of Saint Bonaventure, '^ one is tempted
to see in this more diffused narrative an attempt to explain
the fact — in itself irregular from the legal point of view —
of the action before the bishop. Even those who have
made no special study of the history of Law are aware
that, in the matter of jurisdiction, the Italian Communes
made an extraordinarily vigorous stand against ecclesiastical
pretensions ^ ; and the relations of Assisi with the Papacy
1 II Reg. No. 2657. Inn. III.
2 Salimbene, 10-12.
3 Leg. trium sociorum (ed. Faloct-Pulignani 1898) 19 (39).
4 Ortro\>. 1. c. Gotz 140 seqq. Minocchi. in Arch. Star. It. 1899:281.
5 Salvemini, Studi storici (1901); 42 seqq. Cfr. PiVano, Stato e Chiesa
negli Stat. com. italiani (1904); 17-8.
CHAPTER II
67
make it far from improbable that, even in 1 205 — but a
short time before the date of the conversion — the city may
have been devoted to the cause of Philip of Sw^abia. '
It is possible that the bishop may have taken some part
in the events which decided the Saint's vocation ; but an
intervention of the kind of which Thomas speaks raises
more than one doubtful question. The biographer, with
his intimate knowledge of ecclesiastical institutions, is aware
that the subject of the first chapter is 'conversion'. ^ And
conversion without the canonical element would have pre-
sented a strange and unusual appearance, and one out of
harmony with all that was to follow. ^ In the church of
Saint Damian, Francis takes his first step, towards the poor
priest whose hands he kisses ; before the bishop Guido,
he takes the second and more decisive step — towards his
new life.
One is almost sorry to destroy the historical reality of
a scene which has inspired so many artistic pages ; but
truth, also, has its rights, and they are stronger than those
of beauty.
Francis flees from home in order to free himself from
carnal subjection to his father ; he takes with him money,
which is the most precious symbol of wordly things. Father
and money alike he renounces. ^ All this— what is it but
the solemn abrenuntiatio of the novice ?
' Bohmer. Reg. imp. 1892-4; V, 1791.
2 Caes. I, 1 seqq. Cfr. loh. Cassiani. Conlationes mon. CV. XIII, 73 ;
III, 6 seqq.
3 So St. Dominic is received by the Bishop of Osma with hit Canons :
Que/r/et Echatd, SS. Ord. Praed. Lut. Paris. (1719); lordan. c. 6 ; I, 3.
4 Cassian. Op. c. Ill, 6 e 7 : De duobus enim patribus, id est sive de illo
qui deserendus, sive de eo qui expetendus est . . . de domo prioris nostri parentis
egressi, quern ab exordio nativitatis nostrae, secundum veterem hominem, quando
eramus filii irae {Paul. Eph. II, 3) etc.
i
68 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
Francis takes off his garments, casts them away, restores
tliem to his father, and the bishop covers him with his
own mantle and embraces him. ' I translate from the
"Lives of the Fathers"^ and from the "Monastic Insti-
tutions" of Cassian-^ the two passages that follow. "A
young man desired to renounce the world, but was sur-
rounded by demons ; with all possible speed he undresses
himself, casts away his garments and runs naked to the
monastery, God commands the abbot : 'Arise and receive
my champion who comes to thee' ".
"Whosoever is received divests himself of all that he
heretofore possessed, and he is not permitted to retain
even the garment wherewith he is clad. The novice
advances among the monks who gather round him ; he
divests himself of his clothes and receives in turn those of
the monastery by the hand of the abbot".
In the rest of the passage Cassian is careful to supply
an interpretation of the symbolic meaning of the ceremony :
noverit etiam, omni fastu deposito mundiali, ad Christi
paupertatem descendisse, which the rhetorician of Celano
sums up in the phrase : depositis omnibus, quae sunt mundi,
solius divinae iustitiae memoratur.
In place of the abbot we have the bishop, who opens
his arms to receive a naked Francis, and covers him with
his own robe, which is thus the first Franciscan habit.
The Order, brought into being by the inspiration of the
Poor Man of Assisi, takes refuge, at the moment of its
1 I Vita 12-15.
2 Migne. LXXIII, 772.
3 Inst, coenob. CV. N. S. II; IV, 5 (50-1). St. Guido in like manner,
distractis vestibus pretiosis, quibus indui solebat, pretioque earum pauperibus dato,
pannosus ac nudus, clam Ravenna egressus, Romam rudis peregrinus tendit, ibique
clericatu susceplo etc. Acta SS. Ill Mart. 902.
II
CHAPTER II
69
l)irth, beneath an episcopal mantle. It is the Church, kind
and pious Mother, that welcomes the future father of the
Minorites ; it is the Church that consecrates and gives
lirst aid to the designs of Francis.
That bishop of Assisi who kept so sharp an eye upon
the man of God, ' even at Rome, was verily gifted with
i. marvellous power o^ clairvoyance ! Here we see Tho-
iias' design coming out clearly in all its delicate lines.
The decisive moment for Francis, as it appeeurs in the
(fficial biography, is inspired by what is simply the signi-
f cant introduction of a monastic ceremony ; and has no-
liing historical about it. If any one still hesitates to give
"homas the name he deserves, he will shortly see that
criticism has quite other points to note.
No sooner is Francis loosed from the bishop's embrace
tian he is encircled at once with the aureole of sainthood,
2 radiance which shall have something also of the red
glow of martyrdom. His first encounter with robbers in
t le forest, as he is singing the praises of the Lord in the
I rench tongue, ^ is destined to play a remarkable part in
legendary lore, and to become an essential element in all
t le stories of the saints.
1 I Vita 32. The grudge between the Regular a secular clergy is one of
od standing: 5. P. Dam. Ill, 261 seqq. and the conflict is renewed in later
d lys ; Salimbene, 2 1 0.
2 On the familiarity with the French tongue which Francis seems to have
p )ssessed, see the full and excellent passage in "Delia Giooanna, 1. c. 8-26. The
p esent writer is haunted hy a lingering doubt that the French language was spe-
c illy known to Francis not only on account of his father's relations with France,
b it also because of those which subsisted between our Italian heretics and their
F ench brethren, as is suggested by the fact of the Congress of Bergamo in 1218
(; ;e Tocco, 1 83). And international language, (which must have been French),
V as certainly used in the watch-words that served for mutual recognition among
tl e heretics of the north and those of the south of the Alps ; Math. Paris, in
^ on. Germ. Hist. SS. XXVHl, 231 e Thes. cit. V, 1794; Schonhach,
Stzungsb. CXLVII. 121.
70 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
To the robbers who question him Francis replies :
" Praeco sum magni Regis; quid ad vos ?" ' The an-
swer is suggested by the mission which the biographer
immediately assigns to his hero ; the office of herald be-
longs, in fact to those "Shepherds of souls who go before
and announce the advent of the severe Judge". But
the robbers make sport of him, and following up mockery
with blows, cast him into a ditch full of snow. Extricating
himself from the ditch Francis at once goes on serenely
with his singing, taking up the hymn to God at the point
where it was interrupted by the encounter. He wanders
about for days clad in his shirt alone, and from the rather
meagre hospitality of certain monks obtains shelter for a
short time, and a scanty diet of broth as a servitor^ in
the monastery kitchen. In the little picture one discerns
suggested in foreshortening, an instance of the avarice
which prevailed in the cloisters of the day : the kitchen
is always the humblest place, even in a monastery.'*
But there is far more than that. Francis is mocked
by the robbers, as was Jesus by the two that were cru-
cified with him,'' one of whom however, recognising his
Redeemer, was subsequently converted and saved. ^
Even so Saint Martin stands up undaunted before the
robber who threatens him with an uplifted axe, troubled
1 I Vita 16.
2 Greg. M. Moral. XXII in c. 31 Job, n. 53 : Quid ad haec nes pastores
dicimus, qui adventum districti judicis praecurrentes, officium quidem praeconis
suscipimus . . . ?
3 Qarcio, in the sense of waiter or servitor cfr. the ' ragazzo ' of Dante, Inf.
XXIX. 77.
4 Fior. ed. Cesari Verona (1822) No. 12 ; Actus B. Francisci (ed. Sabatier)
No. 12 & Vita fr. Mass. in Anadeta franc. Ill, 115-6; cfr. Migne. XVIII,
949, 951, 984. For the avarice of the Frati : Caes. IV, 68, 72.
5 Math. XXVII, 44; Marc. XV. 27.
6 Luc. XXIII, 32, 39-45.
CHAPTER II
71
only by the thought of the damnation of the latro, who
is very speedily converted. ' And a similar incident occurs
in the Life of Saint Hilarion, written by Saint Jerome,
and in other chapters of the " Lives of the Fathers "/
Hermits are invariably successful in evoking remorse from
the hearts of robbers, who then become (we need hardly
say it!) perfect "Frati". Saint Martin, again, is beaten
till his blood flows by the officials of the treasury, who
may well be compared to brigands : he offers his back to
their scourges, and finally falls to the ground as one dead. ^
The idea which emerges out of the legend is that meekness
is the speediest way to change the life of reprobates. '^
In the narrative of Gregory I we are shewn the picture
of Isaac the servant of God who when robbers assail his
poor little garden, offers to give them with his own hands
all that they want, thus demonstrating the harm and use-
lessness of evil-doing ^ ; while the monk Libertinus when
his ass is stolen hands over the whip also to the thieves,
that they may have qualiter hoc iumentum minare.^
From the mere sketch of the robber incident in the
First Life the later Franciscan legend, enriched with learned
and more striking reminiscences, draws out finally the story
1 Sulp. Sev. V. Mart. c. 5; CV. 116.
2 V. S. Hilar, c. 12 (Op. Ver. 1735 II, 17. 18). Migne, LXXIII. 934.
?74. Macarius helps the robber ad carricandum the things he has stolen ; another
taint runs and fetches for the thief a sack that has been overlooked ; ib. 793.
Cfr, Venant. Fortun. in MG. SS. antiquiss. IV. 2; 59 (Vita S. Amant.).
3 Sulp. Sever. Dial. I (II, 3); CV. 183.
4 Migne. XXI, 415. 416. 421.
5 Dial. Ill, 1 4 : Nolite malum facere, sed quoties de horto aliquid vultis, ad
borti aditum venite. tranquille petite, cum benedictione percipite, et a furti pravi-
Mte cessate. Quos statim, collectis oleribus, onustari fecit. - No one can deny
to the story that " Franciscan savour " which has so often led astray those who
io not look beyond the Saint of Assisi — or rather beyond those who have been
pleased to honour him with these miracles.
6 Dial. I. 2.
11 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
which we read in the Speculum Perfectionis, ' in the
Actus ^. Francisci et Sociorum eius ^ and in the Fioretti.^
As it stands (except for the vision of the converted robber,
which comes from other sources)'* the charming page which
has been called by Sabatier a commentary on the seventh
chapter of the Old Rule, repeated in poetical language
in the fascinating story of the Wolf of Gubbio, ^ is due
not to the pen of Bro. Leo, but to that of Jacques de
Vitry. ^ Sabatier is mistaken as regards the moral inter-
pretation of the narrative. It is not a question merely of
giving a practical example of the Rule : ** Quicumque ad
eos venerint, amicus Vel adversarius, FUR vel LATRO, be-
nigne rtcipiatur" , but rather an attempt to prove that the
conversion of sinners is effected more easily by gentleness
than by severity. The head-line in the chapter of the
Speculum is most exact. When we compare the words
of Jacques de Vitry with the two Franciscan narratives,
we are forced to admit that the figure of the abbot who
boldly faces the wicked robber is much more vivid and
striking than that of Francis ; while the variants of the
Actus and the Speculum taken together demonstrate in-
1 Ed. Sabatier, (1898) 126 No. 66.
2 Ed. Sahalier. (1902) 97 No. 29.
3 Ed. Cesari, No. 26.
4 The bridge under which flows the infernal river is in the vision of the
soldier : Greg. M. Dial. IV, 36 ; The v«ngs sprouting on the Frate 's shoulders
are recorded in the vision of the hermit John : Migne, LXXIII, 983 (V, 1 7) :
Et facta est vox ad eos ex alia parte litoris, dicens : accipite alas igneas et venite
ad me. Et duo quidem ex eis acceperunt alas et volaverunt ad aliud litus, unde
facta est vox. Tertius vero remansit et flebat et clamabat fortiter. Postea vero
datae sunt sibi alae sad non igneae, sed infirmae, et debiles, etc. For the visio
Pauli, read the note in Novati, Altraverso il medio evo, 1 905 ; 98-99.
5 This story as we shall see in the Appendix No. Ill has another— which
is the primary — signification.
<^ Exempl. (ed. Crane) No. 68 (29-30) ; For the further diffusion of the
legend, see the notes of Crane, 164-5, which are not, however, always complete.
CHAPTER II 73
disputably the derivation of these two from the "Example"
of the French prelate. '
From the robbers Thomas passes on to lepers. The
loving Saint, pattern of humility, sets himself to minister to
these poor sufferers and to wash their sores with every
token of pity. And he makes mention of them also in
his Testament. ^
These unfortunates have left in the memorials of the
time more than one trace of their incomparable wretched-
ness. On the one hand there is the pitiless harshness of
the human — or rather inhuman — laws ^ ; on the other, a
compassion that lifts itself up to sublime heights in a triumph
of sympathetic service. Jesus, who is Sorrow personified,
transforms himself into the victim of this horrible malady ;
whoso ministers to the leper, ministers to Christ "" ; and
whosoever would walk in the path of sainthood, will find
in the leper's company his safest guide.
Amid the general shuddering. Saint Martin kisses and
blesses a leper whose face is horribly eaten away. ^ If
the vile world flies from infection,^ charity defies it.
• Exempl. No. 68. In the Appendix are reprinted the three narratives ac-
cordings to the text of Jacques de Vitry, of the Actus and of the Speculum.
2 1 Vita 17, 103.
3 Lev. XIII. 44 : Edict, regis Roth. c. 1 76 ; Capitol, a. 789 etc. 'Perlile,
Storia del dir. it., II Ediz. Ill, 259.
For the period of the Communes two representative references v^ill suffice : the
ancient statutes of Padua (ed. Gloria, No. 479), and those of Pisa (ed. Bonaini,
I 37). Even the church gives lepers a wide berth : Stat. a. 1 204, in Martene
et Durand. Nov. Thes. IV, 12.99. Cone. Lat. Ill: Mansi. XXII, 330c. 23.
4 Caes. VIII, 29 seqq. {Strange II, 104 seqq.). Jacques de "Oitr^, Exem-
pla No. 94. 95. Vita S. Bern. Clar. II, 5. 3.
5 Sulp. Set). Vita Mart. c. 18; CV. 127.
6 They themselves constitute the persona juridica of the asylums which take
them in: cfr.. e. g., Mittarelli, Ann. Camald. IV. 167 No. 98 a. 11 88 icon-
cession of lands vobis - vestrisque successoribus lepre morbo laborantibus. This
is a fact, rather than a juridical conception. Gierke, Das deutsche Genossen-
* schaftsrecht. 111, 168 seqq.
74 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
The heroes of pity bring the sole ray of love to these
poor sufferers. Saint Francis must not absent himself from
that banquet of grace. Jesus also meets and heals the
leper, and the water of Jordan itself washes away sin and
infirmity ' — that sickness of the soul of which leprosy is
a figure. ^
In the Franciscan Legend, as may be easily imagined,
the figure of the leper is drawn with powerful touches ^ ;
but in other narratives the spectacle of pity for those suf-
ferers had already been painted in still stronger colours.
A French bishop is pulled up on a journey by a leper
who pleads for pity. The holy prelate leaps from his
horse and gives the poor creature an alms. But the leper,
whose malady had deprived him of even the appearance
of a man, refuses the alms, as too common a gift, and
displaying carunculam de narihus pendentem, magni hor-
roris atque foetoris, requests the bishop^and not in vain —
nihil aliud praeter linctionem linguae tuae. The leper
was Jesus. '^ In the Actus and the Fioretti pity has already
assumed the proportions of a miracle.^ The leper desires
1 Greg. Tur. In gloria martyrum c. 18; MG. Hist. SS. merov. 1, 499.
Vila S. Radeg. ib. Auct. antiquiss. IV, 2 ; Venant. Foriun. 43.
2 Heresy and sin : Qreg. M. Moral. Ill in c. 4 Job ; No. 58 ; Beda, in
Migne, XClll, 390-1 (Spuria); Jacq. de "Oitry, No. 259 : leprosis id est demo-
nibus. S. P. Dam. Op. 1, 32; Sermo 14.
3 I^ do not find quite clear on this subject, the words of Boumel, St. Fran-
cois. Etude sociale et m^dicale 1893, 67 seqq. Le rencontre d' un lepreux,
aux environs d' Assise, fut V hegire du fils de Bernardone et de Pica, le mo-
ment oil sa destinee se noua.
4 Caes. Vlll, 29 : Tanta humilitas est in Christo, ut aliquando sub figuris
infirmorum, aliquando quod amplius est, species leprosorum assumens, nobis appareat.
The story of the bishop is in Vlll, 33 (Strange, 11, 105). In the Vitae Patrum
(Migne, LXXUl, 978 : V, 1 7) A Frate sips the purulent matter that flows from
the flesh of a wounded man ; the same thing is repeated by Caesarius, with cer-
tain modifications, (IV, 6). And these are not the only passages.
5 Actus No. 28 ; Fioretti No. 25. The humble Frate who washes the poor
is of frequent occurrence : Caes. VI, 9. There may be in the narrative of the
CHAPTER 11 75
to be cured by the Saint alone, and from the Saint he
is to obtain healing both of body and of soul. But the
origin of Thomas' narrative is both plain and clear.
Our biographer, apparently forgetful of what he said
before, goes on to relate that Francis, as soon as he was
freed from the power of his father, gave his immediate
attention to his first work, viz : the restoration of the an-
cient church of God. He was not called to dig up its
foundations, but to rebuild the fabric upon them. ' Igno-
rant though he was' he knew well that it was the pre-
rogative of Christ himself to build the new church. In
the restoration of the church of Saint Damian is symbol-
ised the orthodox spirit of the Saint's mission ' ; but the
biographer's continual insistence on the theme demonstrates
that he realised the possibility of another interpretation^of
Franciscan thought in the catholic world. In this same
chapter is recorded the institution of the Order of Clarisse,
that is "Poor Women" :^ and since the male Rule is
the type on which the female is modelled, we may remark
in passing — without repeating the studies of Karl Miiller
on the primitive Rules of the Order ^ — ^that the name
" Poor ' as applied to these women presupposes the exis-
Fioretti a reminiscence of Hist. Lausiaca c. 26 {Migne, LXXIII, 1 123-5), where
Eulogius carries home a poor mutilated fellow whom no one is willing to succour.
By way of shewing his thanks the victim becomes unbearable, being victim of
diabolical possession. Saint Anthony cures him.
Sabatier would bid us compare in the Franciscan Legend, the commentary
on chap. X of the Rule, exhorting the sick to shew patience.
1 1 Vita d8.
2 I regard Celano's authorship of the Life of St. Clare as doubtful. (Acta
SS. Aug. T. II, 754 seqq). Golz, 240 seqq. ; But with this point we shall deal
later on.
3 Anfange, 14 seqq. 184 seqq. Sabatier, Vie, 114, 133; Giitz, 41 and
passim. For the name " Clarissae " : Regesti dei card. Ugolino d' Ostia e Ot-
taviano d. Ubald. (1890) 153-4 No. 125 a. 12; e Lempp, in Zeitschr. f. Kir-
chengesch. Xlll 1902. 181 seqq.
76 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
tence of an Order of brethren similarly denominated.
The " Poor Men of Lyons " and their connexion with the
heretical movement come immediately into one's mind.
And now Francis appears in his true light. The simple
man who, according to his biographer, must seek an expla-
nation of the principles of the evangelical life from a priest
(who, as a matter of fact, probably followed the comfortable
precepts of the class to which he belonged) reveals himself
in his true greatness. It is his word, living, hot, persuasive,
that moves hearts and shakes the corrupt Church. It is the
eloquence of Christianity, inspired by a feeling of tenderness
and pity that comes direct from Jesus. ' The official Church
had in its bosom bishops who, in life and death, made a
mock of the means of grace granted by Christ to his believ-
ers. ^ The poor sinner approached the confessional armed
with a knife, intending to kill herself if an impure confessor
should constrain her to sin as was the custom of the priests.^
What had such priests to suggest to Francis ?
For his eulogy of the Saint '^ — pure, crystal spring that
falls swiftly from alpine summit to flowery meads— Thomas
has recourse to the store-house of his excellent memory.
True, he is not invariably happy in the choice of his
phrases ; but rhetoric does not prevent us from getting at
the truth. ^ The eloquence of Francis, irresistible in its
1 I Vita, 23, 36, 56, 62, 72, 73. 74, 75, 83, 97.
2 Salimbene, 30, 289 ; William, bishop of Reggio : Male ordinavit facta
animae suae . . . pauperibus clausit viscera pietatis.
3 Salimbene, 212.
4 Enthusiastic testimony to Francis' eloquence is to be found in the following
writers: Thomae, archidiac. Spal. MG. SS. XIX, 560: Sigonii, Op. Ill (Mediol.
1 732) 432. Jacques de Vitry, in Sabatier, Spec. Perfect. 30. Tb. a Cel. II
Vila, 111, 50 R. 59. Felder, 43 seqq. The Friars used to hold up to ridicule
the old-fashioned type of preacher : Salimbene, 35 1 .
5 G)mpare the following: I Vita 23 and Greg. M. Moral. XXX in c. Job;
n. 6 ; in Ezech. Horn. 1. 3 No. 5 ; 5. Bern. Sermo 29 ; Op. 11, 686 ; 5. P.
CHAPTER II 11
sweetness, innocent of scholastic rules, is the primary cause
of his success. But we know where that eloquence came
from. The Legend magnifies still more ardently the Saint's
gift of speech. What we read in the Actus and the
Fioretli concerning the miracle of Rieti is a graceful ex-
pansion of two older stories. At Rieti the covetous priest
complains that his vineyard has been wasted and despoiled
by the crowd that flocks to hear Francis' preaching ; and
by a miracle he makes more wine than ever before with
the few grapes that are left. One part of the narrative
is taken from the Dialogues of Gregory the Great ; another
was perhaps inspired by the legend of the " Lives of the
Fathers", where from the tongue of Ephrem springs a
vine, and all the birds of the air eat of its fruit. ' Tho-
mas, however, mindful of the times in which he lived, is
very cautious. Most prudent of biographers, he notes that
when the Saint preached he was duly provided with the
apostolic permission : and that, not content with proclaiming
peace among angry folk who knew not concord, ^ he took
pains also to confute the errors of " heretical depravity ". "^
Damiani, V. Rom. c. 23. Op. 11, 221. But Thomas is not to be forgiven
for having repeated as an eulogy of the Saint (1 Vita 97) the words of the De
Vitis Patrum (Migne, LXXlll 995) : ut putaretur omne corpus ipsius lingua esse,
which refer in the original to a chatterbox ! 1 Vita 56 : terram-verbi vomere scin-
dens, is identical with Creg. M. XXll, in c. 3 1 Job ; n. 51.
1 Actus No. 21 ; Fioretti No. 19. Dial. I, 9: there, however, the vine-
yard is ruined by hail. Here is an example : E il prete raccoglie quelli colali
racimoli e melteli nel lino, e pigia. Dial. cit. Tunc oir "Dei vineam ingressus,
racemos collegit ad calcatorium detulit - et calcare ipsos rarissimos fecit. Actus :
ilia pauca grana uoarum recolligens et in consueto torculari reponens - viginti
salmas vini optimi - recollegit. Vita Ephr. c. 1 ; Migne, LXXlll, 980 (V, 1 7
No. 6). Cfr. Greg. M. in Ezech. Hom. 1, 6, No. 4 : Aliter namque olet flos
uvae, quia magna est virtus et opinio praedicatorum, quae debriant mentes au-
dientium.
2 Sutter, Johann, v. Vicenza, und die ital. Fridensbewegung, im Jahre 1 233
(1891). 1 seqq.
3 1 Vita 36, 72, 75.
78 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
Did he 7 It is true that the confutation and persecution
of heretics was entrusted to the Franciscans when the
Order had attained a certain degree of culture ; but ori-
ginally they had rather shunned and avoided learning. '
We know that the only people competent to enter into
discussion with the heretics were the "preachers" or
"lecturers" as we should call them today, endowed with
wide and solid theological learning. ^ The Man of Assisi
described by Thomas again and again as "simple and ig-
norant" would have found a serious obstacle to his natural
eloquence in the snares of theological subtleties. Francis,
without knowing it, was in agreement with Saint Augustine
in the belief that all human knowledge is summed up in
the single precept of love. ^ If, as the facts make certain,
the Saint's oratorical fire was kindled and kept burning by
more than one breath of heretical tendency ; surely the
man who had thus shorn heterodox zeal of its combative
asperity, would not be the one to wrest the simple Gospel
word to polemical purposes, turning it against the humble
on behalf of orthodoxy and the primacy of Rome ?
Thomas proceeds with his narrative ; and now the legend
of Francis approximates still more closely to that of Jesus.
Simple spirits come to the Saint, and, after Bernard, that
candid Giles who is to live again in the piquant memories
of Bro. Leo, and the rest, up to the number of eight.
Then the Socii are sent forth two by two, after the Go-
spel rule, to spread the divine word throughout the world.'*
The first waves of the great tide of the converted, rich
' Vita B. Aegidii, in Acta SS. T. Ill Apr. 232 : Cur vis ire ad scholas ?
Summa totius scientiae est timere et amare Deum.
2 Jacques de Vitry, Exetnpla No. 26; Chartli. Paris. 1 No. 25; a. 1217.
3 Ep. CXXXVll. 5. 8 (Op. ed. Venet. 1 729 ; 11. 409).
4 1 Vita 29-31.
CHAPTER II 79
and poor, learned and ignorant, have reached the quiet
refuge of Assisi. '
Like those who preceded him in the preaching of peace
and love and in his popular successes, ^ Francis had no
intention of tying up in the wretched bonds of an Order
that movement which was designed to spread over the
whole world. ^ His " plantatio" grows luxuriantly in the
sunshine ; it is no hot-house plant. The Rules which
slightly precede his or are contemporaneous with it — with
the exception of that which is extracted from the recan-
tation of Durand and Bernard — exhibit the persistence of
the unenviable characteristics of monasticism : moral per-
fection is associated with fastings, watchings and cruel
scourgings which take the place of a martyrdom not always
accessible to the devotee. ^ But this Rule is written by
Jesus, and Jesus imposes it on all nations. ^ Now and
again, in passages which seem like flames escaping from
beneath a heap of ashes, the poor man of Assisi appears
in his true light — as he really is. He pulls down the
great house erected for the Brethren who assemble for the
1 1 Vita 31, 37, 56. 57, 62.
2 Math. Paris, in Mon. Germ. Hist. SS. XXVIU, 115 a. 1197. The
tone of the discourses, in no way different from that of modern socialist oratory,
recurs also in Jacques dt "Oilry (No. 136-137) Rog. Bacon. MG. cit. 573:
Math. P. ib. 431. In Italy Omobono of Cremona, who was canonised in 1 199,
had preached super pace reformanda . Inn. Ill in Bull. Taur. HI, 139 No. 18.
ELarlier examples in Germany : Gerhard. Vita s. Ouldarici : Mon. Germ. Hist.
SS. IV, 396. On Tomaso Cantiprantano : Frauenstddt, Blutrache und Todsch-
lagsuhne im Deutsch. , Mittelalt. 1 86 1 , 11-21.
3 Renan, Nouv. Etudes d' hist, relig. 1884; 334; Reuter, Gesch. der reli-
giose Auferklarung im M. A. 1877; U, 185, 188. Muller, Anfange 33 seqq.
Bonghi, Franc, d' Assisi 34 etc.
4 Cfr. S. 'P. Dam. Ep, VI, 27. 1, 108; Caes. 1, 22. Types of reformed
Rules; Inn. Ill, in Bull. Taur. Ill No. 17, 41, 47, etc. a. 1198-1205.
5 On the obligation of evangelic poverty, see S August. Ep. CLVll, 4, 24 ;
Op. 11, 553 ; But we shall return to the subject by another route.
80 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
general chapter at Assisi ; ' and he does not hide his
aversion for the must famous of the existing Rules. ^
The Order of the Cistercians regarded the practice of
mendicare ostiatim as degrading ; ^ and the manual labour
imposed by the old Benedictine Rule"* had given place
to a habit of idleness rendered possible by the blessed
possession of wealth.^ The ideal of poverty, without which
nothing remained of Monachism but the name, lived on
exclusively in the old stories as a vague memory. ^' Strange
indeed was the contrast between the origins of primitive
monasticism and the actual conditions of the monasteries
of that age ! Within a few yards of Assisi itself, mona-
sticism, though already in decay, was yielding up very
grudgingly its sovereign rights to the Communes. '
No sooner had Francis put himself at the head of the
movement, which was only waiting for the man, to shew
itself in all its greatness, than the old ideals that had been
smothered up in incredible stories, seemed to revive and
1 Tom. de Eccl. in Mon. Germ. Hist. XXVlll. 562. Spec. pert. c. 6 (16-6);
11 Vita. Ill, 3 R. 37.
2 Spec. perf. c. 68.
3 Stat. Ord. Cisterc. a. 1207, in Martene et Durand, Novus Thes. IV.
c. 7. 1732.
4 Reg. Benedict! ed. Wolfflm (Teubner 1895): 48, 66. Casiian. Inst. Coe-
nob. VI, 3 ; CV. 49 e X ; 1 73 seqq. De vitis Patr., Migne, LXXlll. 924,
942 cfr. 789 seqq.
5 When a certain man craved to be admitted to the cloister, " Monachi vero
gavisi sunt, eo quod esset dives "(!) : Jacques de 'Oitry, ELxempla No. 221.
6 Migne, LXXlll, 781 ; cfr. ib. 284 V. Abrahae c. 3. Super terram nihil
aliud p)ossidebat, excepto uno sago, unaque... tunica cilicina. V. S. Pachom. ib.
237 c. II: continuo distribuebant egentibus atque iuxta praeceptum Domini - de
crastino minime cogitarent ; ib. 890 : Dixit abbas : Thesaurus monachi et volun-
taria paupertas. - Greg. M. Dial. 1, 9 ; 111, 1 4 : Monachus qui in terra posses-
sionem quaerit, monachus non est. Sic quippe metuebat f>aup>ertatis suae securi-
tatem perdere, sicut avari divites solent peritura divitias custodire. - Joannes Elee-
mosinarius calls the poor dominos el auxiliatores : Migne, L,XX111, 342. Cfr.
1 Vita 39 {Paupertas). We shall find the subject treated more fully in Secunda Vita.
7 Sansi, Doc. stor. inediti Umbri (1879): 209 No. 8 ; a. 1190.
CHAPTER II 81
find new life in him. Thomas of Celano — and those who
followed in his footsteps — could find no better medium for
describing the epic of serene poverty, than the ancient
legends. These legends, naturally, were redolent of the
cloister ; and thus a movement which took its predisposi-
tions from heresy was cleverly led back to the institutions
of monasticism, while these latter were, by the garb of
poverty, rendered conformable to the tendencies of the age.
And even in those days the world was content with ap-
pearances.
Meanwhile the multitude of those converted by the
word of Francis, and by his success, increased ; and there-
with increased the apprehensions of the Saint. After the
sweet will come the bitter, as he rightly divined. ^ Like
the other forms of association of the period, that which
took shape around the preacher of peace and of evangelic
life, being practically a little Commune, must needs have
its own statute ; and this statute must reflect not only the
ideas of the head, but those of the entire group. ^ After
the same model as the brevi and statutes of the XIIP*^ cen-
tury, was written the first Franciscan Rule.
Scripsit, says Thomas, sibi et fratribus suis, habitis et
futuris, simpliciter et pauds verbis vitae formam et Regu-
lam, s. Evangelii praecipue sermonibm utens, ad cuius
perfectionis solummodo inhiabat. Pauca tamen alia inseruit,
quae omnino ad conversationis sanctae usum necessario
imminebant.
>
1 I Vila 28.
2 Boncompagni, Rhet. novissima : in Bibl. iur. m. aevi ed. Qaudenzi, T. II,
253. Compare the statutes in umbra lunatica ; Cedrus, 1. c. 122, where is
mentioned the society de tabula rotunda ; the name suggests the words attributed
by the Speculum c. 62 (143) to Saint Francis: fratres met, milites tabulae
rotundae, a truly mock-heroic phrase 1
f
82 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
Certain of these words, and the form of the sentence,
make it quite clear that Thomas had before him the Dia-
logues of Gregory the Great, where is narrated the origin
of the Rule of saint Benedict. ^ In Celano's thought the
reformer of Assisi was successor of the Patriarch of mo-
nachism. Here again the preponderating influence of the
monastic spirit betrays itself unmistakeably.
In a lay society the statutes are written and revised by
special lawyers ; and, if we except the fundamental idea,
it is more than improbable that the Saint should have
written with his own hand the Rule for his brotherhood.
When it became necessary to reform the society and its
laws after the grave disorders that ensued during the mis-
sion of Francis to the East ; the Founder entrusted the
task of correcting the Rule to Caesarius of Spires, who
embellished it with certain Gospel phrases. ^ We may be
sure that the same thing happened on the former occasion
— in order that the Saint might follow the traditional
course. ^ The continual revisions, so minutely studied by the
talented Miiller are so many certain indications, as we have
already remarked, of the profound commotions that agitated
the brotherhood of Saint Francis just as the sister societies
of the world were agitated.
In the legend of a considerably later date one can al-
ways hear the echo of those fierce tempests that were
associated with the change of the Rule, which, after the
1 Dial. II, 36 : Scripsit Monachorum Regulam discretione praecipuam, ser-
mone luculentam.
2 Voigi, I. c. 522 ; c. 1 5 (Cfr. 519c. 9). Among the early socii there
was also Pietro Cattani (Voigt, 520; Sabatier, Spec. 70-71 note 2) iurisperitus.
We jurists are ubiquitous I
3 The same thing happened to the Rule (Augustinian) adopted by the Do-
minicans, which was approved <<■ delibtrationt communis, Jord. in SS. Ord.
Braed. I, 12-3; c. 24.
CHAPTER II 83
death of Francis, fell entirely into the power of the Holy
See.
The Franciscan Rule, like that of the converted Wal-
densians of Lombardy who returned into the bosom of the
Church, imposed on its subjects the following of the evan-
gelic life as laid down in the four precepts of Christ. ^
Hence it was possible to attribute to the Rule a divine
origin such as the Speculum perfectionis expounds in its
first chapter, (according to Sabatier's edition), ^ with par-
ticulars drawn from the monastic legends. Francis ascends
the mountain accompanied by his faithful socii, and there,
Christo docente he writes down his Rule — the second
Rule. Jesus proclaims that there is nothing human to be
found therein, and proscribes glosses of any kind. ^ Ap-
parently the dislike of glossatores has ascended from earth
to heaven ! "^ It is an angel who brings to the new Moses,
Pachomius, the Tables of the monastic institutions ; ^ but
to Francis Christ Himself speaks without intermediaries.
The angels have more modest offices assigned to them in
the Franciscan legend. One of them propounds to Bro.
Elias the problem of the exclusion of flesh-meat from per-
mitted foods ^ — a point on which Celano touches only inci-
dentally. "^ The precept, found alike in the earlier and
^ Reg. antica c. 1 . On the meaning given to these precepts, see Rilter,
in Theol. Litteraturbl. 1877; 21 seqq.
2 Sabatier, Spec. 1-5.
3 This is repeated in the so-called Testament of St. Francis. Consult : Hase,
Franz von Assisi 1 36 ; Renan, op. c. 247 ; Ehrle, in Arch, fiir Litt. und Kir-
chengesch. Ill, 751 ; Gotz. 11-16.
4 Boncompagni, Rhet. noviss. in Bibl. iur. m. aevi ; ed. Gaudenzi II : [Glos-
satores] convertere moliuntur sanguinem uve veracissimum in amurcam, et amurcam
pro balsamo intelligi persuadent.
5 Migne. LXXIII, 236 c. 21, 22.
6 Actus No. 3; Fior. No, 4.
7 I Vita 51.
84 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
later forms of the Rule' is perhaps a curious indication
of a survival : suggesting that there remained a residuum
of that aversion which the heretics felt for a kind of food
which conflicted wath their supreme principle of the sacred
inviolability of all living beings, and which the new Fran-
ciscan society solemnly repudiated/
But whatever may have been the tendency of the Fran-
ciscan brotherhood, there was a certain irregularity attaching
to its actual condition ; for here was a body composed by
no means of ecclesiastics only, which gave itself to prea-
ching without the missio of the ecclesiastical authority.^
And so the growth of popular devotion to the Saint could
not be a matter of indifference to Innocent III, especially
as the movement had its centre in a region over which
the Apostolic See claimed also a temporal dominion. Such
zeal in sowing the Gospel-seeds was not to be looked for
from the orthodox, still less from ecclesiastics : hence the
agitation was suspected. When Thomas reaches the historic
moment of the 'mission' of Francis he is obviously in a
very great hurry. He carrie sus off at once to Rome, where
we meet, in the Curia, the bishop of Assisi (who is an-
xious lest the company should abandon his diocese) and
Cardinal Colonna. ^ In the Second Life, where Celano
1 R«^. ant. c. 3 Reg. 1123 c. 3, 9. 14. (Luc. X, 8).
2 For the Manichean Cathari the prohibition is derived from the signaculum
oris. Cfr. Muratori, Anecd. ambros. 112. Sacconi, in Martene et Durand,
Thes Nov. V, 1 764 ; Schdnbach, in Sitzungsber. cit. CXLVII 9, 63. The
reformed rules of the Camaldolensians maintain (for other reasons, as wdll be un-
derstood) the prohibition of flesh-meat: Ann. Camald. IV app. II No. 14 a. 1207:
Caro vero penitus denegabitur, nisi iusta causa permittente. — Still an echo of the
discussion may have penetrated also into the monasteries : S. Bern. Apol. ad G.
Abb. T. II, 538 c. 7 : - Abraham gralissime camibus angelos paverit . . .
3 Friedberg-Ruffini. Tratt. di dir. eccl. § 50 ; Hinschius, IV, 450 seqq.
Cfr. Concil. Lat. IV. c. 3 ; Mami, XXII, 990. Muller. Anfange, 30, 33, 39, 42.
4 I Vita 38; Sabatier. Vie 108.
CHAPTER II 85
takes up again and developes the narrative barely sketched
in the First, Francis recites before the Pope a little story
which Christ has suggested to him. ^ That woman, fair
but poor, forsaken in the wilderness by the king to whom
she sends her sons that he may acknowledge and nourish
them — if she has certain lineaments that take us back to
the Epic of chivalry, ^ has many other more definite ones
which reveal to us who she is. The king is the Pope;
the forsaken woman is Religion ; the sons are the followers
of Jesus. Few of us will believe that the parable really
came from the lips of Francis, who had no love for eni-
gmsis;^ but its signification is decidedly important.
Pope Innocent III is known as a man of vigorous pur-
poses and rough words. ^ He does not appear to have
received very kindly the band conducted to his presence
by the poor man of Assisi. ^ According to Celano, how-
ever all passed off in the best possible way. At the out-
set Cardinal Colonna wished to make Francis a hermit,
in order to remove him, of course, from the atmosphere
of popular triumphs ; and only later did he decide to
plead his cause before the Pope who, praevia discretione,
accorded his verbal approbation to the Rule of the " Poor
Men of Assisi ", and dismissed Francis in peace.
1 II Vita I, 11. R. 17.
2 Potvin, Perceval le Gallois (1866-7); e Raina, I Cantari di Carduino ;
in Scelta di curiosita lelterarie ined. o rare. No. 1 35 (Bol. 1 893) p. XVI ;
XVII seqq.
3 I Vita prol.
4 On the character of Innocent III, see Hmter, III, 48 ; Caes. VI, 29 ; VII,
6; cfr. the singular document in Ann. Camald. IV app. No. 218 (356).
5 Math. Paris. Hist, maior ad a. 1227. London 1640; 340, Words re-
ligiously transcribed by almost all Franciscan historians ; Thomas of course could
not permit it to be thought that his Order had had a less cordial welcome from
the pope than the Dominicans received, SS. Ord. Praed. I. 1 3 ; Jord. c. 26.
86 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
Celano's famous narrative concludes with the vision of
the great tree, ' symbolising the majesty of Innocent, which
bows itself down in the Saint's presence. But the biogra-
pher's tales leave us wdth a number of unanswered questions.
Was Francis summoned to Rome by demand of the bishop
of Assisi ? Or did he go spontaneously, of his own free-
will ? Was it a repetition, after the lapse of centuries,
of the case of Aequitius ? Or did bishop Guido succeed
very adroitly in bringing Francis over to orthodoxy ? ^ We
will not attempt to answer the questions, because docu-
mentary data are lacking. But there can be no question
whatever of the grave anxiety that must have been aroused
in the Curia by a movement which was assuming enormous
proportions. ^ The effort to keep the tendencies of Fran-
ciscanism within the limits marked out by orthodox tradi-
tion may have manifested itself within that confused mass
of elements, good and otherwise, that grouped themselves
round the figure of Francis. For there were among them
ecclesiastics who sought by means of the new fratemitas
and by the help of the name of Francis, to recover in-
directly that authority that was often denied to the clerical
estate. Many of these — who would probably dislike a
fierce conflict with neighbouring Rome — may have pressed
the Saint to avoid open war with the Church. The times
moreover were not so favourable to unlicensed preaching
1 The vision of the tree which bows down before St. Francis resembles that
which is recorded in the Hfe of S. Guido Abbot of Pomposa : Acta SS. Mart.
Ill, 915: arbor.... inclinavil se ad Guidonis manum, for the abbot to gather
its dates.
2 Dissolvere colligationes haereticorum, per fidelem doctrinam, are words — and
deeds — of Pope Innocent Op. 32 ; Sermo II, in die cin.
3 Tocco in Arch. Storico Italiano, 1903, 331 seqq. This anxiety is attested
by the last persecutions of those Minorites who refused to abjure the most rigid
Franciscan ideal.
CHAPTER II 87
as to make a papal confirmation of the Society's statutes
seem superfluous.
But whatever may have been the actual course which
events took, Thomas' narrative is marked by a special
freshness and spontaneity, where he describes the journey
from Rome towards the vale of Spoleto of a band now
at last in full accord with canonical regulations.
Now begins a continuous succession of marvellous oc-
currences which, little by little, will turn into real miracles.
The pious company advances into desert places, but lo ! . . .
statim, divina gratia procurante, occurrit eis homo af-
ferens in manu panem, deditque ipsis et abiit. ^ The same
thing happened to the hermit Anthony and his companions
who, like those of Francis, saw in it the hand of God.^
Henceforth the pilgrims of Assisi had no lack of abundant
alms; and that which remained over of what they had
begged for the love of God, they put away in a certain
tomb "that had once contained the bodies of dead men".
A sepulchre had, in fact, become their place of refuge,
exactly as we read of Macarius and other hermits who
slept "in a monument where in ancient times had been
buried the bodies of pagans ". ^ An excellent theme for
rhetoric, and one which Celano was not the man to pass
over, is this idyll of the humble life — the joyous poverty
of the first Franciscans, for whom in the late winter days
of the Xlir^ century was awaking the evangelic spring-
time under the skies of Umbria. "^ The brotherhood, ap-
1 I Vita 34 seqq.
2 Cassian. Conl. II, 6 ; CV. 45. Eisque cum panibus occurrissent ... re-
putans escam sibi divinitus ministrari.
3 I Vita 34 ; Migne, LXXIII. 896.
4 I Vita 38. The phrases : caili amplexm, suaves affectus, osculum sanctum.
88 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
proved and blessed by the Pope has already its own name:
it is the Ordo Minorum.
Apparently even the latest historian of Saint Francis
puts a little faith in Thomas of Celano ; for he relates
how the Saint was struck with the passage in the Old
Rule : Omnes Fratres in quibuscumque locis fuerint apud
aliquos ad serviendum, vel ad laborandum, non sint came-
rarii, vel cellarii, nee praesint, in domibus eorum, quibus
serviunt, nee accipiant aliquod officium... SED SINT MI-
NORES, et subditi omnibus, qui in eadem domo sunt : ^ and
had said : " Volo Ordo fratrum minorum fraiemitas haec
voeetur ". ^ But this search for the origin of the name
in an accidental cause — like the similar case of the Do-
minicans (JPraedieatores) is not altogether satisfactory.
The same historian would also find in the peace bet-
ween the maiores and the minores of Assisi a "demo-
cratic" signification of the name imposed on the Order. ^
But if the fraternitas originally called itself "Poor Men
of Assisi ", and not (as M. Sabatier thinks) " Viri poeni-
tentiales ", '^ the change of name which followed on the
Juice colloquium, risus modestus, aspectus iucundus, oculus simplex, lingua pla-
cahilis . . . idem propositum, reappear undoubtedly in Dante's lines (Par. XI 76-8) :
La lor Concordia e i lor lieti sembianti
Amore e meraviglia e dolce sguardo
Faceano esser cagion de' pensier santi.
1 Sabatier, Vie, 132-4.
2 I Vita 38. The chapter quoted from the Old Rule is the seventh.
3 Op. e I. c.
4 Leg. trium Sociorum 36 : Quidam libenter eos audiebant, alii e contrario
deridebant, et a multis interrogabantur unde erant, et de quo ordine. Quibus,
licet laboriosum esset tot quaestionibus respondere, simpliciter tamen confitebantur
« quod erant viri poenitentiales de cioitate Assisi oriundi » , non enim ordo eorum
dicehatur religio. Sabatier has misunderstood the passage. The first Franciscans
were not uttering the name of their brotherhood, but simply, to save themselves
from embarrassment, auswered that they v»^ere from Assisi and that they v/ere
living as penitents. Penitents in the Middle Ages are most common, and could
CHAPTER II 89
papal approbation of the Rule must not be attributed to
an imitation of lay terminology.
Francis and his followers were now in the bosom of
the Church's institutions. Innocent followed in the steps
of his predecessors : to the disease he applied its remedy.
Were heretics preaching ? Then all the more need that
the orthodox should preach also. The enemy must be
encountered with his own weapons. Abbot Joachim, as
we all know, announces in his prophecies the two Orders
of preachers to whom the world is to owe its salvation. ^
But what the celebrated visionary saw with the eye of
prophecy was visible to the ordinary sight of his contem-
poraries ! In the century of heresy the Church's ener-
gies are all directed against that foe, whom she fights
not only with the sword, but also with the word of her
preachers. And the ignorance of the ecclesiastics and their
incapacity for such a task constrained the hierarchy to
seek defenders of orthodoxy even outside the ranks of the
clergy and of the monastic Orders. ^
be recognised at once from their appearance : the socii gave themselves there
and then the name which was most appropriate to their condition at the moment.
I do not insist on the practical worthlessness of the " Legend of the Three com-
panians " as an historical source. Even Tarducci takes the same line as Sabatier.
Tarducci, Vita di s. Francesco d'Assisi (1904) 127-8.
1 In Jerem c. 1 , 19, 31. Cfr. c. 9 ( 1 3 1 ) : Viatores sunt praedicatores fu-
turi, ad solitudinem vitae scil. spiritualem divertentes ; in quibus Spiritus Domini,
in quo est libertas, ac si super aquis ambulabit . . . etc. And again in c. 1 : Licet
enim novus ordo praedicatorum ecclesiae oriatur etc. Cfr. Greg. M. In prim.
Reg. VI, 3 n. 26. Venit in Bethleem ordo praedicatorum, ante ludaeam con-
vertere studuit ; see also Joachim, proem, to book above quoted. For the
appearance of the Minorites in the world: Ursperg. Chr. MG. SS. XXIII, 376;
Math. Paris. MG. SS. 379. Rog. de Wertd. ib. 42.
2 The fourth Lateran Council definitely regulates preaching: c. 10. Mansi,
XXII, 998. Sui praedicatores quaestuarii : Cone. Paris, a. 1212 ib. 819 c. I.
Cone. Avenion. ib. 781 c. 1 a. 1209. Episcopus - cum expedient per alias
honestas et discretas pjersona facial - praedicari, cfr. Deer. Grat. C. XVI, 9, 1
= Reg. Pontif. I No. 495. Hinschius, 1. c.
90 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
These provisions were dictated by necessity ; but their
justification was found in the works of Gregory the Great.
More than once that pontiff makes mention of those who
are " Ordine minores ", that is, discipuli, who cooperate
with the maiores (i. e, apostoli) for the edification of the
Church of God. Of these humble ones the rector eccle-
siae must not be jealous, nor must he arrogate to himself
the sole right of preaching, because the pious priest ab
omnibus vult adjuvari quod agit. ^ And what are Gre-
gory's views as to the preaching of the laity, the case of
Aequitius of Rieti tells us clearly. It is not, then (to say
the least), improbable that the teachings of Gregory —
which according to a recent biographer of Saint Dominic
suggested also the name of the Order of Preachers^ —
laid their impress on the institutions which were being
naturally evolved by the needs of the age; and those
who are familiar with the extraordinary authority of Gre-
1 Qreg. M. In primum Reg. IV, 5 n. 13. Adiutores quippe suos discipulos
vocavit, qui ordine minores erant, sed laboris participes, obedientiae humilitate
Apostolo subiecti erant ; sed dum cum eo aeterni regni gloriam praedicarent etc.
quia perfecti discipuli in alta dispositibne s. Eccl. magistronim suorum coadiulores
sunt, auxilia quae possunt, per altitudinem virtutis, ferunt, sed eis, quos adiuvant,
per humilitatem serviunt. (Cfr. I Vita 38 : Et vere Minores, qui omnibus subditi
existentes etc. St. Paul's words in II Cor. 3, 9 suggested to the Pope the phrase :
Dei adiutores).
Moral. XXII, in c. 31 Job, n. 54: Agricolae quippe huius terrae sunt hi,
qui MiNORi LOCO positi, quo valent zelo, quanto possunt opere, ad eruditionem
s. Eccl. cooperantur. Quos videlicet terrae huius agricolas, h. e. non affligere,
eorum laboribus non invidere ; ne rector Ecclesiae, dum soli sibi ius praedicationis
oindicat, etiam alii recte praedicantibus, invidia se mordente, contradicat. Pia
enim pastorum mens, quia non propriam gloriam, sed Auctoris quaerit, ad omnibus
vult adiuvari quod agit. Cfr. Cone. Lat. IV, c. 1 cit. Ut episcopi yiros ido-
neos ad sanctae praedicationis officium salubriter exequendum assumant - verbo
aedificent et exemplo - coadiutores et cooperatores episcopi.
2 SS. Ord. Praed. Const. Medic. Prol. (I, 25) : Hunc Ordinem Praedica-
torum s. interpretatur Gregorius novissimis dirigendum temporibus etc. Moral.
XXII in c. 31 Job. n. 53 (?).
CHAPTER II 91
gory's name in the middle ages will not find the hypothesis
out of place.
There was no lack of learned ecclesiastics in the /ra-
ternitas of Assisi. After the Regula and missio had been
approved, some Franciscan theologian of the type of Cae-
sarius of Spires may have seen a name invented on pur-
pose for the new brethren in Gregory's Ordo minorum,
which has no reference (be it observed) to the well-known
division of the ecclesiastical orders into maiores and minores.^
In the Second Life Thomas developes the theme, and
returning to the conceptions of Gregory the Great makes
Francis say: "In adiutorium clericorum missi sumus, ad
animarum salutem, ut quod in illis minus invenitur, sup-
pleatur a nobis" — words which repeat exactly Gregory's
idea. ^ But Celano's imitation does not stop there : "Re-
vere super constantiae fundamenium ", (he says elswhere)
*' charitatis nohilis structura surrexit, in qua vivi lapides
ex omnibus mundi partibus coacervati, aedificati sunt in
habitaculum Spiritus Sancii". These words correspond
almost precisely with forms of speech drawn from the wri-
tings of Gregory, and in part inspired by the "Lives of
the Fathers".^
1 These minores are not ecclesiastics but laymen : i. e. minores are not the
"minor orders" and maiores the "Greater" or "Holy orders". In that case
Gregory uses the phrase: minores ordirxis sacerdotes : Horn, in Ezech. II, 10
n. 1 3, and so too Innocent III himself : De sacro altaris mysterio I, 6 : De mi'
noribus et maioribus sacerdotibus.
2 II Vita, III, 84 R. 75. Cfr. Speculum c. 54, derived, as always from
the second Life. The Speculum, c. 26 sees in the name Minores the revelation
of the Divine will.
3 I Vita 38 ; St. 'Paul. Eph. II, 20-2 : Superaedificati super fundamentum
Apostolorum et Prophetarum, ipso summo angulari lapide Christo Jesu, in quo
omnis aedificatio constructa crescit in templum sanctum etc. Cfr. Qreg. M. In
Ezech. Hom. II, I : n. 5, 10; II, 6 n. 3. Vita Front. Migne. LXXIII, 438
prol. Decrevi construere templum Dei, ubi et nos, tanquam lapides vivi, aedifice-
mur in domum spiritualem.
92 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
The first Minorites afford the most brilliant example of
homage to the Rule which imposes obedience, poverty,
and love of labour. ^ Serene constancy in adversities, and
pious superiority to insults — these form the favourite theme
of the ulterior elaborations which find their climax in the
Fioretti. ^ Already in the description of the golden age
of the Franciscan fraternitas one detects a strain of regret
for the decadence of the primitive practice, as rapid as
had been the unlooked for rise of that burst of Christian
fervour. ^ The lovers of joyous Poverty — who ought, by
rights, to have nothing of the old monasticism about them —
are represented as so many hermits, bent on torturing body
and soul for the love of God. They hang themselves
up with ropes, to escape the insidious assaults of slumber
during prayer ; gird themselves with instruments of iron that
eat into the flesh; subdue gluttony with severe fasts, and
sensuality by means of icy baths, and by rolling the naked
body among nettles and brambles. '^ It is the armoury of
the old asceticism that furnishes the Franciscans with their
weapons of mortification and penitence.
But is it true, this narrative of Celano ? With the help
of our sources it is easy to demonstrate that, in this matter
Thomas is copying literally from Gregory the Great and
others. ^ But that is not the whole of the indictment.
1 Reg. ant. c. 1. 7, 9, 14.
2 Fior. N. 8; Actus N. 7. Cfr. Paul. I Cor. 13; Math. V, 10 seqq.
Cfr. Migne, LXXIII, 781 : qui - penitus ab hominibus non honoratur, desuper
gloriam a Deo accipiet.
3 Cfr. the same complaint in Migne, LXXIII, 931 : Quando Congregaba-
mur initio ad invicem, et loquebamur aliquod quod utile esset animabus nostris,
efliciebamus seorsum - et ascendebamus in coelum. Nunc autem - unus alterum
trahimus in profundum.
4 I Vita 40, 41, 42.
5 S. 'P. Dam. II, 231. Vitas. Rom. Dum - pateretur acediam ; laqueari-
CHAPTER II 93
In the Second Life Celano himself records that Francis
had to impose a limit on the extravagances of the peni-
tents. ' There he almost describes the Saint as utterly
unfavourable to this fierce ascetism which in the earlier
biography is so unreservedly eulogised. '^
Omitting certain other observations vs^hich might well be
suggested by Celano' s plagiarisms, let us pass on, finally,
to one of the most notable chapters in the First Life.
The exceedingly clever rhetorician, with whom we are
now sufficiently acquainted, dissimulates the importance of
his real subject under the modest title ''Sancta simplicitas'\
We shall soon see wherein this "holy simplicity" consists.
One day, so runs the narrative, it so happened that a
priest notorious for his shameful life, who (in spite of his
crimes) acted as confessor to the Brothers Minor, said to
one of them : " Take care that you are not a hypocrite ! "
The brother, struck by the priest's word, which filled him
with distress, sought comfort of his brethren, who advised
him not to take the judgement seriously, knowing who that
bus cellulae (uniculos innectebat, sicque ulnis insertis psalmodiae studio pendulus
insistebat ; ib. 239. Vita s. Domin. Loric. Circulis quoque ferreis quatuor -
quatuor superaddidit. Cfr. Ven. Fortun. Vita s. Radeg. MG. SS. antiquiss. IV,
2 ; c. 24 (45). Greg. M. Dial. 11, 2 (St. Benedict) : Urticarum at veprium
iuxta densa succrescere fruteta conspiciens, exutus indumento, nudum se in illis
spinarum aculeis et urticarum incendiis proiecit, ibique diu volutatus toto, ex eis
corpore vulneratus exiit. The words in italics are also in Celano. In like manner
Besarion stands among nettles for 40 nights : Migne, LXXIII, 894 ; and so too
St. Romuald. S. *P. Dam. 11,217. Rimedio dell' acqaa </«acc/a ; Vita S. P.
Dam. in Op. I, 111 ; Caes. IV, 102. Osservanza del silenzio : Greg. M. In
Ev. Hom. I, 7 = Moral. VII, in c. 7 Job, n. 58 ; V, in c. 4. Job, n. 18 ecc.
DiscipUna degli occhi : ib. Moral. XVI, in c. 23 Job, n. 29 ecc. Cfr. I Vita
43 pr. = Moral. XXI in c. 31 Job, n. 4 Mors . . . habitaculum intrat mentis ;
Cel. mors intrat ad animam. Obhedienza : I Vita 45. Veram obedientiam etc.
Greg. M. in prim. Reg. II, c. 4 n. 11. Vera namque obedientia etc.
1 II Vita I, 15. R. 19 Nam cum circulis, ferreis etc.
2 Spec. No 27 is simply an amplification of the second Life.
94 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
priest was. But Francis gave an entirely different answer.
" He who spake ", said the Saint, " is a priest. Can such
an one lie? If, then, a lie is impossible, it is necessary
to believe that what the priest said is true ". ' Thus one
of the many monastic anecdotes, on conventional lines, di-
rected against the shameless hypocrisy of vainglorious asce-
tics, ^ is employed by Celano to develope the point of
the Old Rule which deals with the doctrine of the vali-
dity of the sacraments when administered by priest living
in sin. ^ During the struggle of the reforms the popes
themselves had forbidden the faithful to hear the masses
of priests who kept concubines; and the practice of the
orthodox had gone even further, thus favouring directly
heretical tendencies.'^ In the XIP^ century, as is clear
from the dialectical efforts of Gratian, the grave danger
of this theory was recognised, and an attempt was made
to shake off the principle that the validity of the sacra-
ments depended on the merits of those who administered
1 I Vita 46.
2 5. P. Dam. II, 217. Vita S. Romuald. c. 27. Cfr. Reg. ant. c. 7; Et
caveant sibi quod non ostendant se... hypocritas, Caes. II, 23. A Friar who
weeps for compunction and thinks : Utinam videret aliquis modo gratiam islam I
Greg. M. Moral. XI, in c. 13 Job, n. 49; ib. VIII, in c. 8 Job, n. 72. Hy-
pocrisy, daughter of the fiend becomes bride of the Religious : Jac. de Vitry,
Elxempla No. 243.
3 Hinschius, I, 117 seqq. IV, 5 1 seqq. Schonbach, in Sitzungsber. cit.
CXLVII, 111-5. Lea I, 70 seqq. Cfr. Deer. Graf. D. XXXII, 5. 6 and Dicta
Grat. ib. Ill e IV p. § 5. Cone. Rom. ann. 1059 and 1063. Jaffe, Mon.
Greg. 523-5. Mansi. XIX, 897; Hefele, Conciliengesch. IV, 792. Reg. Pontif.
II, No. 5109.
4 MG. Lib. de lite imp. et pontif. Ill, 12, 56. Ep. de sacr haeret. e Ho-
norii Aug., De offendicuio. The doctrine is akin to the theory of the lapsi.
Cfr. Vita Pach in Migne. LXXIII, 245 ; c. 24. Qreg. M. In Evang. Hom.
I, 7 n. 14: Sacerdos enim non distat a populo, quando nullo merito vitae suae
vulgi trascendit actionem. Instead of shepherds, they become wolves. For the
heretical doctrines, see : Lea, 1. c. Alan, in Migne, CCX, 383 ecc.
CHAPTER II
95
them. ^ Finally, the fourth Lateran Council affirmed as
orthodox the contrary, the principle which finds expression
also in the old Franciscan Rule. ^ But if every doubt
was thus solved in the sphere of dogma, the popular con-
science was evidently not prepared to accord a welcome
to the orthodox principle. It was repugnant that the means
of grace, divine in their origin, should reach the faithful
defiled, as it were, by the contact of impure hands. And
the moral sense refuses to be gagged even by order of
popes and councils.
Thomas of Celano, in full accord with the Old Rule, puts
the orthodoxy of Francis outside the region of discussion :
so the Saint of Assisi is made to subscribe his name to the
sentence which condemns the contrary principle, and the
Franciscan anecdote takes its place among related theologi-
cal-literary manifestations, both contemporary and ancient. ^
The editors of Franciscan matters in Quaracchi, have
republished (in the third volume of the Analecta Fran-
ciscana) the jottings of the so-called " Chronicle of the
XXIV Generals ". When they reach the chapter of the
Life of Bro. Aegidius where he is taxed with hypocrisy
by a priest, they refer us frankly to Celano's little story,
as if it dealt with the same thing. "^
1 Grat. 1. c. Cfr. Deer. C. I, 1, 75. Dicta: sed hoc de peccalore tantum
catholico, non heretico, intelligendum ; ib. 77. Boni et mali sacerdotes eque cor-
pus Christi conficiunt. lb. 84 ; (ed. Lips. II, p. 387 : These are imitations and
restatements of passages in Gregory.
2 Harnack. III. 879 seqq. Cfr. Deer. Greg. IX. Ill, 2, 7 (Lucius III).
3 The story of the leper (i. e. polluted priest) who draws pure water (sacra-
mental grace) in a golden vessel, passes from Vitae Patrum, {Migne, LXXIII, 91 1),
into Jacques de Vitry's Sermons, (Ex. No. 155), and into Gesta Romanorum (ed
Dick 1 890) c. 1 2 ; and no doubt into various other collections. The precept had
already been clearly expressed by Greg. M. In prim. Reg. 11, 4 n. 12 : Ut sciamus,
quia maiorum imperia, tunc etiam veneranda sunt, cum ipsi laudabilem non habent vitam.
4 Anal, franc. Ill, 79. Acta SS. T. Ill Apr. 233.
96 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
Aegidius, then, carrying a load of reeds passes near a
church. A priest cannot refrain from shouting after him :
"Hypocrite"! Great is the grief of the poor brother,
and the word allows him no peace, until unus f rater who
finds him weeping consoles him with the weighty words :
" Frater, ^ sententiae hominum qui errare possunt frequenter
Dei sententiis sunt difformes". Here we are in full-blown
heresy ! The inconsistency between the principle expound-
ed by Thomas and attributed by him to Francis, and
that of the frater who consoles Aegidius is quite hopeless.
Who was this " unus frater " ? Francis is in the first days
of the Order, called "frater" antonomastically. " And
without assigning too great a value to the Life of Aegi-
dius in the form in which it has come down to us, ^ one
1 Reading frater, not paler with the printed text.
2 Voigl, 1. c. c. 524 c. 17. Per excellentiam, a fratribus fn frater » dice-
batur.
3 The Life of Bro. Aegidius itself offers a magnificent field for investigation.
The text we posses has been profoundly modified by the ' spirituales ', and this
is the reason — not far to seek — of its points of contact with the Speculum.
Thomas of Celano (I. Vila 25) speaks of Aegidius as though he were already
dead : " Sanctae contemplationis nobis exempla reliquit ". As for the theory of
interpolations, I have not much faith in it. Would Aegidius then be dead before
1230 ? The generally admitted date for the commencement of the Fioretti (1262),
is probably that of the MS cited by Sabatier (Spec. p. CLXXV) ; a MS which
in its final phrases coincides remarkably with the words of Salimbene about his
burial at Perugia and — " qui Perusii in archa saxea tumuiatus est .... " If so
Aegidius could have known nothing of the vicissitudes of the Order and the fall
of Elias, nor could he have been embraced by Louis IX of France. In the re-
daction that has come down to us, the traces of editing are certainly not wanting :
Cfr. e. g., " Vere credendum est, inq'uj/ Z.eo, animam illam sanctissimam praesen-
sisse dilectum etc." (Acta SS. cit. 242 n. 100). Hence, as a historical source
our text of the 'Life' has but a very relative value, Sabatier indeed (Spec. p.
XCVI) says quite the contrary ; but surely the first thing is to fix the date of
Aegidius' death. The truth (or imposture) hangs on a group of four figures.
If the editors of the 'Life* make such an egregious mess in a point of chrono-
logy, does it not mean that their own date was for removed from that of the
first Franciscan Age : possibly in the times of Ubertino da Casale, during the first
years of the XlV^h century ?
CHAPTER II 97
may be allowed to suspect that the words are really those
of Francis; and the tradition preserved and followed by
the zealots of the Order affords a glimpse of a suggestion
of heresy in the old circle of Franciscan ideas. That part
of the Old Rule (the successive transformations of which
I do not propose to discuss with Miiller) where the subject
of the respect due to priests is touched upon, is substan-
tially at one with the recantations of the Catalan and
Lombard Waldensians who Ccune over to Catholicism.
There is no need to dwell on the fact that the Minorites
in their first steps in the world were taken — in France,
for instance — for heretics. ^ Whatever be the origin of
the Life of Aegidius, it acquires, when confronted with
the narrative of Celano, an importance that cannot be
neglected.
The first Legend of Saint Francis (albeit its author
exhibits now and then a sceptical tendency)^ would not
have made its own fortune nor have increased the Saint's,
without the miraculous element. Miracle is essential.
First and foremost Francis has the divine gift of pro-
phecy. When the Emperor Otho comes to Rome to be
crowned, Francis, more abstracted than Diogenes himself
in the presence of Alexander of Macedon, vouchsafes not
a single glance of curiosity ; but he predicts for the Em-
peror a short reign, as Saint Romuald had predicted for
1 Voigt, 1. 517. Jord. c. 4 : Fratres vero qui in Franciam venerunl, inter-
rogati si essent Ambigenses, responderunt quod (sic ?), non intelligentes quid essent
Ambigenses, nescientes tales esse hereticos, et sic quia (quasi ?) heredci sunt re-
putati.
2 I Vita 70 : Verum quia non miracula, quae sanctitatem non faciunt, sed
ostendunt etc, Cfr. Greg. M. In Evang. Horn. II, 29 ; No. 4 : Nam corporalia
ilia miracula ostendunt aliquando sanctitatem, non autem faciunt; Dial. I, 12.
Caes. VI, 5 ; a passage cited also by Bartolom. da S. Cone. Ammaestr. IV, 4.
g
98 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
another, Otho and Saint Benedict for Totila. ^ His spirit,
which miraculously visits those of the Brethren, ^ penetrates
into all secrets. ^ Here Saint Francis is transformed by
the art of his biographer into Saint Benedict/ A strong
scent of monasticism is diffused through the entire narrative,
which collects together a number of characteristic passages
drawn from sources old and recent. Bro. Richieri incar-
nates the typical tempted novice, whose secret the abbot
or senior reads deep down in his heart, and thereupon
gives him sweet comfort in his chaste resolves.^ This
episode, which in the sequel branches out into luxuriant
ramifications, ^ has its roots in the " Lives of the Fathers ". '^
Every act of the Saint reproduces a classical motif of the
cloister. Francis sprinkles with ashes the poor scraps of
food which barely suffice to meet the needs of his body;
he publicly accuses himself of having eaten fowl's flesh like
a vulgar glutton ; he laughs or rejoices at insult, which is
for him the teacher of humility.
1 I Vita 43 Cfr. Greg. M. Dial. II, 15. 5. P. Dam. II, 219.
2 I Vita 47.
3 I Vita 48.
4 I Vila cit. O. quotiens .... absentium fratrum acta cognovit. Cfr. Greg.
M. Dial. II, 13: Se cognovit etiam absentem in B. patris oculis deliquisse.
In this paragraph Celano by the phrase « ad audiendum reddidit (fratres) be-
nevolos et attentos » shews himself an accomplished rhetorician. The formula is
typical, and occurs in Boet. Top. Cic. I Migne, LXIV, 1042; hid. Etym. II,
7. 2.
5 I Vita 49.
6 Actus No. 31. Fior. No. 29.
7 Migne, LXXIII, 742. Disciplinus cuiusdam s. senioris etc. Cassian. Conl.
II, 1 3 CV. 54 : Cum iam ei tali moerore depressus, nee iam de remedio pas-
sionis etc. We shall see later on the evolution of these ideas in the Second Life.
8 I Vita 5 1 : Admissa (cibaria) .... conficiebat cinere. Cfr. S. P. Dam.
V. Odilonis II, 1 94 : Pugillum cineris latenter implevit, et apposito pane, discubuit.
Cumque cinerum tamquam panem manducaret etc. I Vita 52 and Caes. X, 6:
Adiuro te, immunde spiritus, in hac charitate, qua pridie, propter monachum
meum, cames comedi ; (An Abbot exorcising in church). I Vita 53: Per obe-
CHAPTER II 99
And, like Saint Martin, he is fain to die on a bed of ashes. ^
To those who take the very simple line of not even
discussing miracles, it may well seem strange that a place
should be found for them even in a book of historical
criticism. But it is worth which to reflect that in the
choice of his miracles Thomas would have employed some
quite practical criteria. In miracle, if one may be per-
mitted to say so, there is sometimes more truth than false-
hood. Now our biographer has borrowed the prodigies
of the most celebrated Saints in the Kalendar. I say
nothing of the changing of water into wine — which has
been in vogue ever since the marriage-feast of Cana^ —
and pause only upon the typical miracle of the healing of
a demoniac, which is actually copied from Sulpicius Se-
verus. It is natural that the patriarch of the new Order
should be necessarily likened to the bishop of Tours, that
pitiful Saint, unrivalled in his compassion for the poor and
in the glory of his miracles. ^ Celano could not pass over
in silence all the characteristic Franciscan meekness towards
God, towards men, towards all creatures animate and ina-
nimate, which is the most delicate note of the legend,
though not free from a touch of heretical tendency. "^ In
dientiam tibi dico ut mihi duriter iniurieris. This theme, is developed in Fioretii
Nos. 3 and 9 : cfr. Actus Nos. 2 and 8 and the sources cited there : but the
true sources are : Migne. LXXIII, 774. Verba seniorum : Quanto plus eum
aliquis iniuriabatur, aut deridebat (Pelag. lib. 16, 12) tanto plus ille gaudebat,
dicens : Isti sunt qui nobis occasionem praebent ad profectum nostrum. Cfr. ib.
961 : Bene tibi fecerunt, cenerente et cabate ; and again ib. 1034.
1 See 'The Death of St. Francis', in Appendix I to this Book.
2 I Vita 61. [? 69 TV.] This miracle is twice wrought by St. Peter Damian :
Vita in Op. I p. VIII. Cfr. V. Odil. Op. cit. II, 195 etc. The contest with the
fiend occurs in I Vita 72 = Vila s. Rom. Op. c. II 209-10.
3 I Vita 61 = Vita 8. Martino CV. 125 ; c. 16 ; cfr. 1 Vita 68 = Sulp.
Sev. Dial. II (III, 6) 204.
4 I Vita 58. 59, 76, 77, 78, 80, 81.
100 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
this part of the story, as also in the indisputable predi-
lection of the Sziint for Elias, whom he designated his
successor, vibrates the truth.
There is no room for doubt as to the gentle pantheism
of Francis, nor as to his domination by the proud spirit
of the man of Cortona : the biographer is forced in these
matters to reveal the truth in spite of himself ! ^
It is indeed a strange attitude in which our diffidence
places us ! We come to believe as true only that which,
in our judgement, the veracious biographer could not have
omitted, even if he had wished, without so altering the
portrait of the Saint as to render it unrecognisable !
In his description of the universal love of Francis, Ce-
lano has drawn upon his artistic powers. If he had not
in him a very copious vein of poetry, he still had the
ability to embellish very cleverly the dull outlines of fact.
Francis gives the name of "Brother" to every created
thing : one knows, however, of a poor brother of the
V" century, in the Dialogues of Saint Gregory, who "of
his excessive simplicity" called a bear ^'f rater". "Brother
Wolf" of Gubbio has here a distant cousin.^ And in
Rufinus' "Lives of the Fathers" one reads also of "Bro-
ther Soul ". ^ The pity of the Sciints for animals, and the
obedience of animals to the word of the Saints are matters
which occur very frequently in Mediaeval hagiography.
And Saint Francis' eulogy of the birds recalls the gentle
saying of Jesus, and further, the truly winged words of
1 It was only after a lapse of 20 years that Thomas could dare, in the 5e-
cunda Vita, to erase the name of Bro. Elias once for all from the officiaJ re-
cords of Franciscanism.
2 Dial. Ill, 15. See Appendix III.
3 Migne, XXI, 430 : Ne fratrem meum, i. e. animam meam, scandalizem.
CHAPTER 11 101
Saint Ambrose in his prose hymn to creation, and certain
lighter stories of Caesarius. ^
"Supra hominum intellectum afficiebatur, cum nomen
tuum, sancte Domine, nominareV\ exclaims Thomas in
Augustinian tones, to magnify the fervour which Francis
felt for the holy name of God. "^ This sentiment must
surpass in intensity even his ardent love for the creatures ;
and for its sake Francis devoutly collected every writing,
even if the name of God did not occur in it. When
asked why etiam paganorum scripta, et ubi non erat no-
men Domini, sic studiose colligeret, respondit dicens :
" Fili, quia ibi litterae sunt ex quibus componitur Domini
dei nomen". All this is a cold imitation of the usual
"Lives of the Fathers". Pachomius also had felt the
same scruples ; and on one occasion he declared that he
would have burnt a certain heretical book "nisi scirem
nomen Dei in eo esse conscriptum"J
How shall we deliver the truth from the rhetorical
leprosy that devours it !
1 Draconea posted as guards of a cell : Migne, XXI, 421 ; a crocodile who
carries a priest on his back, 430. Cfr. 1 Vita 61 ; vere sanctus cui sic ohediunt
creaturae = Sulp. Sev. Ep. Ill ; 1478 : qui etiam avibus imperaret ; ib. Dial.
11, (III 9); 217: Serpentes me audiunt. A leveret and other animals saved: I
Vila 60-61 = Sulp. Sev. I (II. 9); 191.
Eulogy of the birds : I Vita 58 ; cfr. Math. VI, 25 seqq. 5. Ambros. Exam.
V, 1 1 CV. 1 69 seqq. « Aviculae » se in latibulis suis abdunt, canoro occaisum
diei carmine prosequentes, ne immunis abeat gratiarum, quibus Creatorem suum
omnis creatura conlaudat. - Asses that bow the knee before the Blessed Sacra-
ment (Caes. IV, 98) after a brief exhortation from him who carries it. Crows
that " grutillando " ask of the Abbot liceniiam recedendi from the monastery,
practically belong to the Order : Caes. X, 58 ; cfr. I Vita 58, 59. Benedixit ipsis,
signo crucis facto, licentiam tribuit, ut ad locum alium transvolarent ; and Caesarius :
Elevans manum benedixit eis etc.
2 I Vita 83.
3 Migne. LXXIII. 247 : Vita Pach. c. 27.
EX L!BR:S
ST. BASIL'S SCHOLASTICATE
No. *
CHAPTER III
THE "PRESEPIO DI GRECCIO
THE EGYPHIAN MISSION:
THE STIGMATA: SAINT CLARE.
CERTAIN episodes in the " First Life " merit by, their
importance, a brief chapter to themselves. If we
except the 'Stigmata', which have undoubtedly a pro-
found dogmatic — but, as it appears to me, no pathological
— signification, all the rest have an indisputable historical
value. The "Presepio di Greccio" left a vivid impression
on contemporary records, ' and the fact of the Egyptian
Mission rests on certain testimony which still remains to us. ^
The ceremony of the Presepio and the journey to the
East should be studied with the design of Celano always
in mind.
In his description of the scene at Greccio Thomas does
not spare the splendours of his magnificent style. Francis
was inspired to perform the rite by a course of pious
meditation on Jesus incarnate and crucified. From this
thought he did not suffer his mind to wander for a mo-
1 Salimbene, 137, 317. Greccio was the refuge of John of Parma.
2 Jac. de "Uitriaco, Ep. de captione Dam. in Gesta Dei per Francos ; 161 1 ;
I, 1149; Frater Franciscus - cum venisset ad exercitum nostrum zelo fldei accen-
sus, ad exercitum hostium nostrorum ire non timuit et cum .... parum profecisset,
tunc Soldanus .... ab eo in secreto petit, ut pro se Domino supplicasset, quatenus
religioni, quae magis Deo placerit, divinitus iitspiratus adhaereret. Jord. c. 10.
104 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
ment. The birth and death of the Redeemer were im-
printed on his heart. Three years before the end of his
life Francis, with the aid of a faithful friend, set himself
to reproduce as exactly as possible the scene of the Na-
tivity. This he did in Greccio, on the Christmas festival. ^
Standing before the Presepio the Saint, clad in the
ornaments of a Levite — he had deacon's Orders^ — chants
the Gospel with sonorous voice, and preaches it with that
marvellous tongue that must really have wrought miracles,
to the assembled crowds. He feels and tastes an infinite
sweetness as he pronounces the name of Jesus ; and God
multiplies his gifts to the Man of Assisi. A quodam viro
virtutis mirahilis visio cemitur. Videbat enim in praesepio
puerulum unum, iacentem exanimem. ad quern videbat
accedere Sanctum Dei et eumdem puerum quasi a somni
sopore suscitare. Nee inconveniens visio ista, cum puer
Jesus in multorum cordibus oblivioni fuerit datus in quibus,
ipsius gratia faciente, per servum suum Franciscum, re-
suscitatus est, et impressus memoriae diligentiJ There
1 I Vila 84-7.
2 I Vita 8. So Durand of Huesca became an acolyte. The functions of
the diaconate which are canonically adapted to the tendences of the Franciscan
order are enumerated in Deer. Grat. D. XCIII, 23 (Spurio ; ed. Friedberg 326 ;
note 217). Reg. Pontif. I No. 636.
3 I Vita 86 : Saepe . . . cum vellet Christum Jesum nominare, amore flagrans
nimis eum puerum de Bethleem nuncupabat, et more balantis ovis bethleem dicens
(Rhetoric again !) os suum voce, sed magis dulci affectione totum implebat. Labra
sua etiam, cum puerum de Bethleem, vel Jesum nominaret, quasi lambiebat lingua^
felici palato degustans et deglutiens dulcedinem verbi huius. Cfr. ib. 82 : Nam
supra hominum intellectum afficiebatur. cum nomen tuum, sancte Domine, nomi-
naret ; et totus existens in iubilo ac incunditate castissima plenus . . . Cfr. S. Aug.
Confess. Ill, 4. CV. 49-50: Quoniam hoc nomen... Domine, hoc nomen Sal-
vatoris mei ... in ipso adhuc lacte matris tenerum cor meum pie biberat et . . .
quicquid sine hoc nomine fuisset . . . non me totum rapiebat. S. P. Dam. V.
Rom. II, 219: Frequenter enim tanta ilium divinitatis contemplatio rapiebat, ut
quasi totus in lacrymas resolutus, aestuante inenarrabili divini amoris ardore, cla-
maret : Chare Jesu, chare mel meum dulce, desiderium ineffabile etc. Ille sancto
CHAPTER III 105
were those, then, who beheld the infant Jesus, awakened
by Francis and given back to the adoration of lukewarm
Christians.
Remarking, in passing upon the rhetorical origin of certain
of Celano's phrases, we too will pause, with the crowds,
before the Presepio that has been so fruitful in artistic
inspirations.
Perhaps the relations, still perceptible, between the
doctrines of the heretics and the preaching of Francis de-
manded a concrete confutation of the shadow of dogmatic
errors. It is not enough for Francis to have Sciid that the
Church of Jesus is not being built but restored; to have
kissed the 'sacred' hands of the poor priest; to have
received his mantle from the Bishop of Assisi. An inde-
finable suspicion of heresy still clings to the Franciscan
fraternity. ^ Hence the Saint, obedient to the current of
orthodoxy that dominates his community, celebrates in the
most solemn manner the Nativity of Jesus, who appears,
in the form of a lifeless infant to a certain most trustworthy
witness ! It is the answer to the heretics' blasphemons
doctrine which held (as we have noticed above) that the
Redeemer came into the world in an entirely special way ;
that the Virgin did not really bring him forth, nor was
his body ever real flesh. This point of dogma (which
was noted even by the Bolognese glossatores) gave occasion
Spiritu dictante in jubilum proferebat : nos humano sensu exprimere talia non va-
lemus.
I Francis makes confession in public (I Vita 52) ; when dying has read to
him the Gospel of St. John (ib. 110) which is the favourite of the heretics.
When he sees a lamb among goats, he says it seems like "Jesus meek and
humble among the Pharisees and chief priests (ib. 77). The constitution of his
Order was always opposed (ib. 73). Even in the days of Salimbene the Mino-
rites were shunned by the other Frati as though they were under the ban of ex-
comunication (Chr. 374). Cfr, Sbaralea, Bu|l. Franc. I No. 56, 57; a 1231.
106 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
to a continuous succession of miracles identical with that
of Greccio, which have been collected and expanded by
the genius of Caesarius of Heisterbach. A priest through
whose mind heretical doubts were passing, is, by the grace
of God, permitted to be present (in vision) at the Virgin's
parturition, and the Mother holds out to him her new-bom
child, quern (lie, inter hrachia sua colligens ac deosculans
mysterium intellexit ' The same thing happens to a nun,
who is allowed to contemplate the babe Jesus wrapped
in the garments of her Order, in praesepio reclinatus.^
In the same miraculous manner are confuted the here-
tical errors about the sacrament of the Eucharist ; for the
heterodox held, quite logically, that the " true body and
blood " of Jesus could not be in the sacrament.
The narratives of the Fioretti have an entirely similar
origin, and are therefore unintelligible except in relation to
the doctrines of those times. ^ Read in a vaguely mystical
sense, they tell us nothing. Even miracle — indeed, miracle
more than anything else — must be studied scientifically.
If contemporary history be not taken into consideration.
1 VIII. 2.
2 VIII. 3 cfr. ib. c. 5. 7,
3 Fior. No. 53. Act. No. 51. Cfr. Caei. IX, 2, 3. 12. 19. 23, 27. 41
(De sacr. corp. et sang.) Cfr. [Fior . . . Chr.] Cfr. also IX. 32. Caesarius is
undoubtedly the source of this narrative and of others afterwards included in the
Actus and the Fioretti. The secondary sources are most diligently adduced by
Sabatier in his edition of the Actus S. Francisci et sociorum eius. No. 53 of
the Fioretti is a translation of a fragment of the life of S. Joannes Alvernicola :
Acta SS. T. II Aug. 466. And in like manner Fior. No. 52. (Act. No. 51).
corresponds to Caes. VIII, 38 ; Fior. No. 42 (Act. No. 53) come from Caes.
IX, 30 (Where is given the miracle of the lifting up into the air) and VIII, 2
(the vision of the Virgin birth alluded to above). A summary index of the sources
of the Fioretti will be found in Appendix IV. Reference to all the passages
was impossible, but with the indications given a comparison will be quite easy,
and — what is more important — convincing. It would be difficult to find a book
of more varied composition than the famous Fioretti I
CHAPTER III 107
the illusions or creations of the imagination which mark
certain historic periods — like that of the advance of heresy
— become quite incomprehensible ; or run the risk of being
reckoned as mere fairy-tales bursting spontaneously into
flower in the fertile meadow of ascetic fervour. As a
matter of fact, this fervour often reflects vsdth great clearness
the actual sentiments of the period — even to the less popu-
lar theological doctrines in vogue. '
Before turning to the stigmata, it will not be out of
place to say a word or two about the Egyptian Mission.
The two facts are logically connected together by a link
that is very discernible in Celano's writings, and still more
so in the workings of his mind.
We do not know much about the Saint's missionary^
attempts in Moslem territory : ^ the one thing certain is their
want of success. And the biographer himself, as he hurries
over the obscure events of that epoch acknowledges the
failure without hesitation. ^ On his return from Egypt
where men would not listen to him, Francis preaches to
the birds to whom the magic of his voice appeals. Perhaps
Celano, with his knowledge of every literary artifice, made
a point of narrating — for love of contrast — the miracle of
the birds immediately after the return from the fruitless
mission. It is the constant habit of the Saints to complain
1 I take as an instance No. 53 of the Fioretti (Act. 52). Giovanni d' AI-
vernia in celebrating mass pauses at the words : Hoc est corpus meum ; scarcely
lad he pronounced the sacramental formula when apparuit Dominus Jesus Chr.
ncamalus et glorificatus. Caesarius (IX, 27) narrates the same thing, and in this
:aise the transubstantiation occurs after the priest has said the words without adding
'lie est sanguis etc. The miracle serves, according to Caesarius, to prove that
he doctrine of Peter of Beauvais (1184) who favoured the pronouncing of the
louble formula (for ' Body ' and ' Blood ') was not to be received . . . because
he miracle ignored it I
2 Sahatier, Vie 247 seqq.
3 I Vita 55-7; II Vita. 2, \. R. 23. Jord. c. 10 {Voigt. 519).
108 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
of the unwillingness of men to listen to them while even
serpents, dragons, and still more terrible monsters obey their
very gestures with the utmost meekness. ^
Did Thomas mean that the Saracens were worse than
dragons and serpents if Francis had spoken and they had
listened with indifference ?
From the few words that Jacques de Vitry has left
us on the subject it would appear that Francis joined the
Crusaders perhaps with a view reawakening the flagging
ardour and discipline of the Christians ; and that from the
camp he afterwards passed over to the enemy for the
purpose of evangelizing the infidels. But the man who
comes forth from the ranks of an army to transform himself
into a peaceful missionary, cannot ever expect great like-
lihood of success ; for the simple reasom that under the
preacher's cowl the enemy is sure to be suspected. Did
the Saint believe, as did many of his contemporaries, that
the religion of Mohammed was but a kind of Christian
heresy, and that the good disposition to abandon it was
but waiting for an impulse from without? It is probable
that this idea also was among the motives that excited
him to preach to them. ^
Francis, ignorant of the language of the country — though
indeed the Frankish speech was not unknown among the
Saracens — wathout the special preparation which mission
1 Mignt, XXIII. 421. Sxilp. 5ev. Dial. II (III, 9) CV. 207.
2 Cfr. Sbaralea, Bull. Franc. I N. 82, 106. The French expedition to
Tunis seems to have been inspired by the idea that the conversion of the Infidels
would not be difficult! Dante (Inf. XXVIII 35) places Mohammed among the
schismatics, " seminator di scandalo e di sisma " Peter abbot of Cluny wrote a
a treatise against the sect of the Saracens {Migne CLXXXIX, 659 seqq.). The
Spanish Adoptionism of the IX'h century is said have had as its object a strange
reconciliation between the two creeds. MGH. Leg. Sect. Ill Cone. p. II : Cone.
Foroiul. a. 796-7; 188.
CHAPTER III 109
work entails, ' would very soon have perceived the absolute
uselessness of his efforts at evangelizing. Nevertheless Tho-
|mas, who takes no account at all of the tendencies of the
fage, sees in the attempt of Saint Francis nothing but the
fdesire to attain the conventional climax of sainthood — that
martyrdom which is the summit of the saint's aspirations.
In this way he assimilates the legend of his hero to the
no less celebrated legend of Saint Romuald written by
Saint Peter Damian, '^ and models the figure of Francis on
the quite ordinary type of saints who always yearn for
martyrdom without ever achieving it. The man of Assisi
was to be denied the crimson aureole of the martyr : and
a legend of a saint who should die peacefully in his bed,
would lose all fascination, however great might be the
virtue of the hero and the literary capacity of his biogra-
pher. Celano avails himself with great cleverness of the
Egyptian episode, to prove that, if martyrdom did not
smile upon Francis, the fault was not his ; that he had
done all in his power to be come a martyr — that, in
fact there was no real difference between him and an
actual martyr. The reasonings of Sulpicius Severus and
of Peter Damian, each of whom, like Thomas, had written
the life of a man most saintly — but not marfyr — served
excellently for Celano too. ^
1 Caes. IV, 1 5 : Compare, for the discipline of missionary work, the Letter
of Pope Alexander III in Mansi, XXI, 961.
2 Op. II, 223 c. 39 : Audiens quia b. vir Bonifacius martyrium suscepisset,
nimio desiderii igne succensus, ut pro Christo sanguinem funderet, Ungariam mox
ire disposuit. Cfr. I Vita 55 : Amore divino fervens - perfectionis summam at-
tingere cupiebat - sacri martyrii desiderio maxime flagrans, ad praedicandam fidem
Christianam et poenitentiain Saracenis - voluit transfretare.
3 Sulp. Sev. Ep. II, CV. 143: Nam licet ei ratio temporis non p>otuerit
praestare (I) martyrium, gloriam tamen martyris non carebit, quia voto atque virtute
et potuit esse martyr et voluit. Cfr. 5. P. Dam. 1. c. B. secundum intentionem
no SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
The supreme austerity of his life, faithful to the precepts
of Christ, the hand-to-hand conflicts with the devil ; ^
the continual mortifications of the flesh, and, finally, the
horrible pains of his maladies and of the attempted reme-
dies, serenely borne — all these represented a veritable mar-
tyrdom . . . ^ up to a certain point. But blood is blood ;
and Heaven did not vouchsafe to Francis the longed-for
perfection.
The extremely dry narrative of Celano w^as supplement-
ed by later legend. It was impossible that a man like
Francis, who had shaken the world and bidden it follow
him, ^ should not have accomplished great achievements,
and reaped a harvest even where his word had fallen upon
soil so sterile as that of Islam, Hence we find in the
Actus and in the Fioretti an amplified version of the
episode. And here also the compilers have shewn no ori-
ginality but made use of the best-known stories and
legends in fabricating the narrative that has come down
to us.'^
quidem suam martyrium subit. I Vila 92 : Paratusque erat homo etc. Cfr. Greg.
M. Horn, in Ev. II ; 36, n. 7. (" Martyrdom of desire ").
1 I Vita 72. Manu ad manum cum diabolo confligebat ; Thomea is here,
apparently, paraphrasing the 7'^ chapter of the Life of S. Romuald (5. P. Dam.
II, 209-210). Impugnahat tamen diabolus etc. Fights with the devil are, however,
too common to allow us to see anything peculiar in those of Saint Francis.
2 I Vita 1 07 : O martyr, qui ridens et gaudens libentissime tolerabat ; and
Sulp. Set). Ep. II, 144: Ut laetus ulceribus, congaudensque cruciatibus quaelibet
inter tormenta risisset. Ep. Ill, 149: O virum ineffabilem etc.; and I Vita 81.
Saunt Francis sees in the paunful character of his diseetse (I Vita 1 07 a * compen-
satio' for the martyrdom he had failed to win.
3 Vita Aegidii. Acta SS. T. Ill Apr. 236. Fior. No. 49 ; Act. No. 8.
4 Fior. No. 24 ; Act. No. 27. The episode of the harlot, which has af-
finities with the ' Vita S. Thaisis : (Rossweyde 374) is taken from Caesarius
(X, 24 ; Strange, II 24 1 -2 : Gerungus Scholasticus Bonnensis). The rest of the
legend reminds one of that of the conversion of the Persian king as given in FrC'
degar. Chron. IV, 9 (MG. SS. Merov. II 125-6 and note 13) cfr. P. Diac.
Hist. Lang. IV, 50 (MG. SS. rer. lang. et italicarum 1 37 note 2). In point of
CHAPTER III 111
Celano was not content, however with the new species
of martyrdom for Francis : and so he prepares us very
frankly for the miracle of the stigmata, in the following
words : in omnibus his Dominus ipsius desiderium non im-
plevit, praerogativam illi reservans gratiae singularis. ^ The
"singular prerogative" — need one say it? — is the renewal
in the Saint of the martyrdom of Golgotha.
I am not unacquainted with the medical literature on
the subject of the stigmata ; and I can believe also that
the pathological phenomena in the Saint's person may have
given the first impulse to the creation of the miracle — or
rather, to express myself more exactly, may have furnished
the incidental elements. But, since we ought by this time
to know who Thomas of Celano was, and after what fashion
he wrote, (and it is to him that we owe the first narra-
tive of the fact, that became the official text) ^ — we shall
realise that the literaiy genesis of the miracle is likely to
bring us closer to the truth than the pathological. At the
same time we must be on our guard against a pedantic
exaggeration of historical criticism.
The conception of the miracle itself, most easy of in-
terpretation, tells us much. That such a thing should be
attributed to the Saint, presupposes in him something
extraordinary — something, one might venture to say, super-
facth le Armenian bishop Domitian did not succeed in converting the king (Greg.
I Ep. Ill, 42), but pious tradition took hold of the fruitless attempt, and developed
the legend after its own taste. The incomhustihilily of the cheiste is simply the
' judgement of God ' miraculously shewn. Cfr. Vita S. Joan. Eleem. c. 46 : Migne,
LXXIII, 46 : Sicut nee tunicam hanc meam incenderunt prunae istae, ita nee ego
agnovi peccatum mulieris. Jacques de Vitry, Exempla No. 212, 245, 246, 247.
1 1 Vita 57.
2 Luc. Tudens. in Bibl. Max. Patrum XXV, 224. In manibus et pedibus
b. F. quatuor apparuerunt signa clavorum etc. Scriptum quippe reperitur in ejus
legenda etc. This is the Legend before Thomas touched it.
^K^\^'^
112 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
human. Francis is, in truth, the Christ of Italy. ' The
ruthless efforts made by his biographers to reduce his fi-
gure to the modest dimensions of a conventional saint
were not entirely successful. Not even Thomas could
remain untouched by the universal feeling. He who had
been a perfect imitator of Jesus Christ, and had Christ's
own soul, wdde open to the infinite love — he must needs
be presented to the pious devotion of all with the torn
and bleeding flesh of the Crucified. And a variety of
particular circumstances combined to make Thomas (or
those whose ideas he was pledged to interpret) see in the
broken body of Francis a supreme resemblance to the
God-Man. If deception there was, it must not be im-
puted to the cold astuteness of Bro. Elias, nor entirely
to the fervid imagination of Thomas ; still less to the Saint,
who most probably repudiated (if there was need to do
so) so divine an interpretation of the pathological stigmata
wherewith he was afflicted. ^ The most ingenious narra-
tive is that which issued from the mouth (not from the pen)
of Bro. Leo, and is related with equal candour by Sa-
limbene.
Bro. Leo told Salimbene that when the body of Francis
was washed for burying " videbatur rectus sicut unus cru-
cifixus*\^ And the expression, called forth by the pitiable
spectacle of a body which bears, over and above the work
of death, traces of the martyrdom of a long illness, is still
1 I Vita 89. Missus est hie a Deo, ut universaliter per totum mundum apo-
stolorum exemplo testimonium perhiberet veritati.
2 Certainly we are not to think of a vulgar trattooing such as was not infre-
quent among the Manicheans {Vict. Vit. Hist, persec. Vand. MG. 13) other
sacred tattooings are mentioned in Cedren, Hist, in Corp. SS. Hist. Byz, Bonn.
II, 149. Few saw the stigmata while the Saint was alive: I Vita 96.
3 Chr. 75.
CHAPTER III 113
in popular use in Italy today. May not this have been
the nucleus out of which, little by little, the new miracle
was evolved ? The final touch, which gave the episode
its classical form, is doubtless that of Celano whose business
it was to coordinate it with the entire scheme of his la-
boured narrative. Celano found the road made smooth
before him to reach, so to speak, dogmatically, the expla-
nation of this greatest of the Saint's miracles.
It had been already remarked that heretics could look
upon the Crucifix without much emotion. The pains of
the man, they held, could not affect the Divine Nature
which had not, even upon the wood of the cross, partici-
pated in the frailty of the flesh. In the orthodox, vene-
ration for the God-Man was intensified by this heretical
disparagement of the sorrowful majesty of Calvary. ^ To
weep with floods of hot tears for the Passion of the Re-
deemer became the sign of the greatest grace, even as, to
the gay scepticism of the succeeding age, it earned con-
tempt as a mark of hypocrisy. "^ Francis, according to the
narrative of Thomas a second Augustine, to whom God
disclosed His will by the opening of the sacred books, ^
is meditating upon the Passion of Jesus. And he sees
De/ nirum unum quasi Seraphim sex alas habentem,
stantem super se, manihus extensis ac pedibus coniunctis
1 Greg. M. XII, in c. 15 Job ; n. 30 : Sunt.... qui Deo se iniuriam irrogare
existimant. . . . si unch veraciter, pro nobis, came mori potuisse crediderint.
2 Caes. II, 23 ; cfr. I, 35. The ecstasy of the Brethren in saying Mass,
clumsily described in Fioretti No. 53 (cfr. Actus No. 51), is an emotion of no
different kind. These narratives also are derived from Caesarius, IX, 27, 32.
Thorn. II Vita I, 6 : Spec. c. 92. Decamerone, Giorn. IV Nov. 2 : Sempre
all' altare, quando celebrava. se da molti era vedulo, piangeva la passione del
Salvatore, si come colui al quale poco costavano le lagrime, quando le voleva.
3 I Vita 92, 93. Cfr. 5. Aug. Confess. VII, 12. Vita Ant. Migne. LXXIII,
127. Fior. No. 2; Act. 1 § 10 seqq.
114 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
crucis affixum. After the vision he finds himself with
" the round marks in his hands standing out externally after
the fashion of bent nails, and with the wound in his side ". '
Francis was crucified like his Master.
In the Seraphin Francis saw himself, not the God-Man.
The interpretation comes to us from Gregory the Great :
Et sunt nonnulli qui supemae contemplationis facihus ac-
censi, in solo conditoris sui desiderio anhelant, amant et
ardent, atque in ipso suo ardore requiescunt, amando
ardent, loquendo et alios accendunt, et quos verbo tangunt,
ardere protinus in Dei amore faciunt. Quid ergo istos
nisi Seraphim dixerim ? ^ Have we not in these words
a portrait of Saint Francis ? Celano, who was so familiar
vsdth the writings of Saint Gregory, read the passage to
some purpose, and remembered it as he was describing
the vision, which is certainly all his own !
It was not only the revived devotion to our Lord's
Passion — there were other elements also that combined to
bring into being the legend of the stigmata. Saint Paul
had said : Ego enim stigmata Domini in corpore meo porto. ^
And monastic literature, in its exhortations to the ascetic
life, lays down that the monk must be crucified with Christ,
repeating Saint Paul's words. Upon the trophy of the
cross, symbol at once of victory and of mortification, whoso
renounces the world must hang, as the Saviour hung. ^
1 I Vita 93. 94, 95.
2 Horn, in Evang. II, 34 No. 1 1 .
3 Gal. VI. 17.
4 Migne. LXXIII. 891 - Cassian. Insf. VI. 64. CV. 72 : Quemadmodum.
vivens. quis possit esse crucifixus ?.... S. Greg. M. In prim. Reg. VI, 3. n. 25:
Qui Jesum vult praedicando ostendere, per mortificationem carnis debet eius, quern
praedicat, passiones imitari S. P. Dam. Ep. VI, 22. Op. I 103. Cruce omnis
religio Christianorum depingitur. Illic te simul cum Christo suspende ; cfr. II, 119
seqq. Sermo 47, 48. — Praeferimus igitur Crucem in fronte. Crux est, quam mo-
CHAPTER III 115
Insensibly we pass from the symbolic to the actual. S.
Domenico called "il Loricato" not only bore on his body
the stigmata of Jesus, but actually painted on his brow
and imprinted on every part of his body the ensign of the
cross. ' Art was come to the aid of faith. Caesarius, for
whom a very thin line separates the real from the sym-
bolical, writes that a monk's right hand ought to be pierced
with the nail of obedience, his left with that of patience,
his feet with that of humility. ^ A little step further and
we reach the real stigmata. Meditating in the choir on
the Blessed Trinity, a novice crucem fronti suae imprimi
sensit, et puto (suggests the writer) quod eadem hora
cogitaret de passione. ^ The novice of Hemmerode is thus
Saint Francis' predecessor in the prodigy. Another — a lay
brother — sees Jesus crucified in company with fifteen
Brethren of most perfect life. The Lord speaks to him from
the cross: "These only, crucified with me, have conformed
their life to my Passion".'^ Material signs of Divine grace
are craved and obtained. A poor rustic had his foot cut
off by a tyrannical nobleman : the victim could not resign
himself either to the monastic life or to his misfortune, until
God made of him a veritable Job. But the miracle does
not keep him waiting long; gangrene developes — the signum
J oh in corpora — and the new Job dies contented. ^
ribus et actibus nostris debemus imprimere. Qui banc portat, passionem Redemptoris
sui vere communicat.
1 S. P. Dam. Op. II 240. And doubtless Domenico himself inflicted the
wounds after the form of a cross, in order that the raised cicatrice might indicate
the symbol. He was a poor maniac who in our days would have been put into
an asylum.
2 VIII, 19 (De cruciiixione religiosorum).
3 VIII, 23.
4 VIII, 18.
5 XI, 18.
116 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
Thomas knew where to look for his inspirations. The
legend of the stigmata was already quite formed ; it only
remained for him to adapt it to Francis, interpreting the
signification of the words with devotion and learning. God
had but denied to the Saint the prize of martyrdom in
order to make him worthy to suffer, unique among men,
the torture of the cross.
After the Divine marks, and the other martyrdom of the
disease and the cruel cure by fire, death brought him his
final repose. The "Poor Women", followers of Francis'
evangelical life, weep over the body of the Saint. Rome
herself is stirred with emotion. Assisi becomes the centre
of Christendom, when Gregory IX, with the splendid court
of the Church's princes announces there the new glory of
the Faith, and visits the abject and humble Carcerate,
faithful to the word and the example of their lost Brother. ^
In Franciscan history and legend Saint Clare and her
sisters could not be forgotten. If the movement of Assisi
had some sort of connexion with an impulse not entirely
orthodox, that would explain perfectly how it is that woman
has left so vivid an impress on the records of the original
and independent Franciscan fraternity. As late as 1216
Jacques de Vitry when describing the beginnings of the
Ordo Minorum, adds at once certain remarks about the
manner of life of the " Poor Women ", who live together,
collected in various hospitia. They receive nothing, he
says, but live by the work of their own hands, only annoyed
by the extreme honour accorded to them alike by eccle-
siastics and by the laity. "^
1 I Vita 117 sq. 122.
2 Sahatier, Speculum 300. Not being completely at home in mediaeval
diction, this writer takes hospitium to mean "hospital", and so makes the Cla-
CHAPTER III 117
Karl Muller remarked some time ago that the XIP^
chapter of the Old Rule, by which women are excluded,
must imply a contrary practice in the period anterior to
the Rule : nor does Sabatier disagree with him. ' We
may conclude, then, that the entire hraternity, in its older
form, was simply a group of '' evangelici*' of both sexes;
with no idea of constituting two distinct Orders, as was
afterwards done when Francis had been induced to attach
himself to the Church and the Church's head. Parallel
to the Minorites was constituted the Rule of the " Povere
Donne " ; a circumstance which necessarily implies that the
other, male nucleus, was originally formed of ** Poor Men
of Assisi ". The name tells us all !
Notwithstanding the severity of the rules dictated by
the monastic spirit, there persists in the Legend a sug-
gestion of sweet and confidential relations between the
'' Povere*' and the ''^overi". We need not imagine
a romance of love in the ordinary sense of the word : but
it is none the less true that the mystic smile of a woman
brightens the austere life of the Saint. Clare, like Francis,
is a "precious stone", and on her as foundation rises the
new Religio of the "Poor Women".'' She follows her
spiritual brother in every act and thought — in humility, in
poverty, in the most fervent eucharistic devotion. The Life
of Saint Clare was written, not later than 1261, by in-
vitation of Pope Alexander IV ; ^ but if I am not mistaken,
rissae " des soeurs hospitali^res " (296). Hospitium means simply " place of habi-
tation ". On the origin of the Clarissae see the writings of Lempp, in Brieger's
Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte XIII, 181 seqq. and in XIV, 97 seqq., an histo-
rical commentary by Rohricht on the letter quoted from Jacques de Vitry.
1 Vie de s. Frangois, 181.
2 Thorn. I Vita 18.
3 Acta SS. T. II Aug. 754 seqq.
118 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
our Thomas of Celano, cannot be even suspected of its
authorship; so many and so serious are the divergences
betvy^een it and the first biography of Saint Francis. The
frequent imitations of Celano' s style — which are observable
also in the Legend of Saint Bonaventure and the Life of
Aegidius — are to be attributed solely to the celebrity of
Thomas' work, ' which greatly influenced the hagiographers of
the period, who were only too glad to select from his rheto-
rical treasury the most beauteous gems they could find. ^
Whatever may be the history of the MSS which give
us the biography of the socia of Francis, if one takes up
and studies, as it stands, the text of the Bollandists, some
important conclusions are reached. In it, as we have said,
remain, vivid and fresh, indications of the original familia-
rity between ^overi and ^overe, in striking contrast wdth
the traditional rules of the cloister, that were inspired if
not by hatred of woman, at any rate by fear of one who
was looked upon as sure ally of the devil. The biogra-
pher, however, prudently takes pains to reduce to moderate
limits the reciprocal visits of the two Saints, in order to
avoid unkind public gossip.^ Yet the influence exercized
by Francis on ihe career of the noble maiden, was too
great to permit that little or nothing should be said. Coura-
geous and sure of her faith, the virgin friend of Poverty
ran to the Porziuncula, and subsequently made her home
in that church of Saint Damian which was associated with
the conversion of Saint Francis.'^
1 Sabatier, Speculum LXXV ; Gotz, 240 seqq.
2 Acta cit. n. 10 (756). A passage of the Second Life of Celano is refer-
red to. I, 6 ; Rosedale, 1 3.
3 No. 5, 6. 7 ; (755-6).
4 No. 8-10 (755-6).
CHAPTER III 119
Strangely enough, Innocent III who had dealt in such
surly fashion with the company of the "Poor Men", signs
with a cheerful smile the Brief of the privilege of the fe-
male Order. '
In the biography of the Mother of the Poor Clares,
and also in the Actus and the Fioretti many marvellous
events are, naturally, related. If we work back to the
sources which directly inspired them — since the legend of
Saint Clare forms part of the larger cycle of the legend of
Saint Francis — we shall succeed not only in understanding
the motive of the man who repeated those miracles in
connexion with his heroine, but in adding also a fresh element
of criticism to those which we have collected so far.
The Legend of Saint Clare preserves vivid reminiscen-
ces of the Dialogues of Saint Gregory and of the Life of
Saint Radegunda. The two themes which principally fi-
gure in it are the exaltation of the virtues of Saint Clare,
which correspond to those of Saint Francis, and the more
delicate subject of their familiar intercourse with one another.
Poverty, humility, and the most fervent devotion to the
holy Eucharist: these are the notes on which the biographer
specially dwells. Saint Radegunda sweeps the monastery,
not disdaining the most servile offices within the cloister,
she washes and kisses the feet of the poor, and cleanses
the sores of the diseased: so too does the Virgin Saint of
Assisi ; ^ and in order that Francis may not be inferior
1 No. 14 (755-6).
2 MG. SS. antiquiss. IV, 2. Ven. Fortun. Vita s. Radeg. c. 23, 24 (44-5)
e MG. SS. merov. 11, 372 ; I, c. 23, 24. Ergo.... scopans monasterii plateas
quidquid erat foedum purgans, et ante sarcinans quod aliis horret videre, non
abhorrebat evehere.... ferens foetores credebat se minorem sibi, si se non no-
bilitaret vilitate servitii Humilitate sanctissima pedes iavans et osculans. Cfr.
V. 8. Clarae No. 12 (752) : sue illo nobili spiritu, nee sordida fugiens, nee (oetida
perhorrescens.
120 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
in humility to his spiritual sister, the Speculum is careful
to represent him in the act of sweeping out churches. ^
The story of the intercourse between the two saints
offered more serious difficulties. Salimbene heard it Sciid
often that the Minorites were fond of seeing ladies ; ' and
certainly the saying was a natural consequence of the old
state of things. In the heretical world, or at any rate
within the sphere of its influence, the old ascetic ideal and
the cult of virginity removed, as in the primitive Christian
communities, every motive of impurity from the relations
between "Brethren" and "Sisters". Only the unkind
imagination of the orthodox was apt to revive against the
heretics those old charges brought by the pagans against
the first followers of Jesus. With the approval of the two
Rules the rigid claims of the monastic spirit made them-
selves felt, and certain familiarities were no longer allowed.
Traces of such a change are to be noted in the Legend
of Saint Clare. When the papal injunction aimed at
prohibiting the customary visits of the frati to the suore,
this meekest of Saints all but rebelled against the Pontiff,
as though she felt that the sweet fraternity of life and
thought had been outraged by the intrusion of an unworthy
suspicion. ^
The biographer (or possibly, some later editor of the
Life of Saint Clare), describes the banquet of SS. Francis
and Clare at Saint Mary of the Angels, with many re-
1 Spec, c. 56, 57 : Coepit (ecclesiam) scopare humiliter et mundare.
Sabatier (op. cit. 105 n. I) says that from the story of the conversion of John
(of which we shall speak further on ; cfr. II Vita III, 1 20) Celano, embarrase
pour montrer s. Francois bala^ant les eglises, has suppressed this particular, con-
sidering it lacking in dignity.
2 Chr. 214.
3 Vita s. Clarae, No. 37 (762).
CHAPTER III 121
miniscences of the Gregorian Dicdogues. In those Dialo-
gues one reads that Saint Benedict went to visit his sister,
who had been dedicated to God from her earliest infancy.
Short is the day to those devoted souls ; nightfall surprises
Benedict and Scholastica still at table and ever in ecstasy.
But the Saint may not pass the night outside his cloister,
and his sister tries in vain to keep him with her. Op-
portunely a sudden storm prevents Benedict's return to the
monastery ; Scholastica is contented — and the Rule is saved.
Hence the patriarch of the Minorites may sup with his
" spiritual sister". '
Again, in the Speculum there is a vivid reflexion of
the old Franciscan spirit, impatient of monkish propriety
and circumspection. Francis desires, before his death, to
see Madonna Jacopa dei Settesogli once more ; and he
writes to her. The Brethren hesitate to let a lady in, but
the Saint cuts short all doubts with the words : " The
Rule which excludes women must not be observed in the
case of one whom so great faith and devotion have caused
to come to me from such distant parts''.^ Satan is no
longer to be dreaded in woman's piety. The light of the
sun, the beauty of flowers, the consolation of a woman's
smile — none of these are banished from the religion of
Francis. ^
Saint Clare — at any rate in her Legend — preserves the
saintly dignity of the "Poor Sister" of ancient days. To
1 Vita cit. No. 43-45 (762-3); Fior. No. 15; Actus, No, 15. Cfr. Dial.
II, 33. Not even Gregory is original. The great saints often have a sister a nun. :
Migne, LXXIII, 759, 760-1 ; cfr. 248.
2 Spec. c. 112. Cfr. Actus, No. 18, ed. Sabatier 62 n. 2. Miracula, ed.
Rosedaie, 124-6.
3 Saint Dominic, on the contrary, exhorts the Brethren to be on their guard
against the perils of the ju\>enculae foeminae : SS. Ord. Praed. ford. c. 40 ; I, 40.
122 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
the Pope's entreaty that she will accept some earthly pos-
sessions she replies by proudly clinging to her evangelic
faith.' A fugitive suggestion of heretical "Communion"
flashes out in one episode of her life. The Pope enjoins
her to bless the bread on the table : it is the supreme
authority of the Church, which all but yields the poor virgin
the august privilege of consecrating the Eucharist. That
sign of the Cross which, by the virtue of Saint Clare, works
so many miracles, is a repetition of that used by the monk
Martirius of the Valerian province. Clare makes the sign
at a distance, and the cross impresses itself on the bread. ^
Another miracle — that of the oil that refills the vessel, is
copied from the Dialogues of Gregory I. ^ The clever
selection of the miracles, and their signification, illuminate
for us many another narrative that would otherwise be
drily historical.
1 Vita 8. Clarae, No. 14, (756). The Pope goes so far as to offer to relejise
her from the vow of poverty, and speaks to her of the necessities of life, in op-
position to the ideal. Here one is reminded of rhe Bull Quo elongati, which
bends the Rule of the Minorites to meet the stem exigencies of deiily life.
2 Vita cit. No. 43-5 (763). Cfr. Greg. M. Dial. I, 11. The miracle is
repeated (with other circumstances) in the Vita S. Sym. Sali, Acta SS. II lul. 164.
3 Dial. II, 29.
CHAPTER IV
THE SECOND LIFE OF THOMAS OF CELANO :
THE REAL 'SPECULUM PERFECTIONIS '.
IT will not be necessary to repeat the history of the
' Second Life ' of Saint Francis, the child of the bio-
grapher's old age. What has been done already is suf-
ficient for our purpose, and further researches will remove
the obscurity which still lingers over certain points connected
with it. ^ Meanwhile, however, we may at once observe
that to call the work in question "Second Life" is a mode
of expression that may lead to misunderstanding. The
writer entitled his book : ** Memoriale in desiderio animae
de gestis et verbis sanctissimi patris nostri Francisci " ; ^
and Memoriale has a signification quite precise, which di-
ligent study will determine with certainty. In the prologue
is recorded the decision of the General Chapter of 1 244
which entrusted the task of writing the deeds and words
of the Saint " to him who, more than any other had op-
portunities of knowing Francis, in virtue of constant inter-
course and mutual familiarity". And the vote of the
Chapter had its fulfilment about the year 1 247 with the
1 Ehrle, n Zeitschr. fiir kath. Theol. VII, 393 seqq. Gotz. 88 seqq. Miiller,
Anfange 175 seqq. Sabalier, Vie LXXIII seqq. Speculum CXVI seqq. Voigt,
1. c. 455 seqq. For the MSS., Roiedale, XXVI seqq.
2 Pro!. R. 8.
124 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
appearance of the work which we are now to study. The
Order, after the serious vicissitudes which agitated the
Franciscan brotherhood, culminating in the fall of Bro. Elias,
(which left the field open for a more decisive action on the
part of the Church) has recourse once more to the official
biographer. And he points out the reason of this new
task — the intimacy with which he had been honoured by
the Saint. The Lives of the Saints, as we know, were
in each case invariably written by the favourite of the hero ;
and so, true or untrue, this declaration of Celano was in-
dispensable, to give greater value to the narrative. ^ To do
him justice, however, we must remember that in all pro-
bability he lived for no short time in close intercourse
with Francis, after his return from Germany.
He had already been honoured by a papal command
to compose the first biography of the Saint ; he was a man
endowed with gifts of mental ability, culture and imagi-
nation ; he had shewn himself obedient to Bro. Elias, to
Gregory IX, to whoever was, for the time being. Minister
of the Order. Such a man was not likely to be touchy
or indignant at this new proposal. Rhetorician, sceptic,
serene plagiarist, full of enthusiasm for his subject, he was
one who know his business and performed it with complete
tranquility and self-possession. Would he have thought
that even the dead ashes of his cold composition would
be fanned into flame by the hot blast of zealous partizan-
ship ? It is not indignation only that produces verses ;
sometimes she finds them already made and presses them
into her service !
I Sulp. Set). Ep. II, CV. 144-5. Cum me indignum et non merentem unice
(Marlinus) diligebat. S. Bern. Vita a. Malachiae (Op. II, 664) : Me inter spe-
ciales amicos Sanctus ille habebat etc.
i-M
CHAPTER IV 125
The gentle figure of the "Poverello" had already dis-
appeared twenty years back ; and with it had gone the
ideals rediscovered in the Gospel and in the heart of
Francis. The great fire had burned down, and left little
trace behind. A " monastic Order ", tamed by the Church
and loyal to her, but penetrating into her very fibres, the
"Poveri d'Assisi" had effected a reunion between the
imposing institution of monasticism and the humble ones
of the earth ; but they had sacrificed themselves to do so.
The mystic marriage between Francis and the Lady Po-
verty had been followed by the nuptials of the new religio
with the Papacy. Preachers and Minorites had henceforth
an official mission. All was over.
A learned Capuchin has a quarrel with Miiller, and
with all those who (according to his opinion), have misin-
terpreted the real significance of the Franciscan Order.
And formally he is right. The Franciscans do not constitute
either an Ordo monasticus or an Ordo heremiticus, but
simply an Order approved by the Church. ' All this was
known also to our Celano ; ^ but it does not affect the fact
that the Order, sui generis though it be, belongs to the
category of institutions that must be called monastic. I say
nothing of the prohibition of new Rules in the Fourth La-
teran Council, because the Franciscan Order had already
been approved before that. And as a matter of fact our
Order possesses, essentially, the monastic spirit. Further,
1 Felder, Op. c. 5 note.
2 R. 90. De charitate. (To avoid tedious repetitions, it will be better to
announce once for all that the letter R. followed by a page-number refers to
the 'Second Life' according to the text of Rosedale. As for St. Gregory's
distinction (Ep. Ill, 61) it is perfectly admissible: he who enters the ranks of
the clergy would mutare, non relinquere saeculum ; he who be comes a monk
omnia relinquit.
126 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
the decadence of the old Rules is explained by the impetus
of the new Franciscan Society which in its near approach
to them appropriates all that they still retain of vitality.
The monastic and clerical world sees new and formidable
rivals in the Franciscans. As in the days of St. Peter
Damian, so also in those of Salimbene, the secular priests
complain that the monks and friars are usurping the
spiritual ministry which belongs of right to the parochial
clergy. ' Even canonistic terminology must yield to hard
facts. Rules for the admission of novices, provincial and
general ministers and chapters corresponding — these are so
many items of a monastic constitution which, like a fine
net, wrapped around, disciplined and corrected the once
free society of Assisi. And that society was constrained to
turn a more sympathetic face upon the smiles of science,
in order to escape the imputation of a "blessed ignorance"
such as would disqualify it for the functions which were
imposed on it. ^ Neither the last Rule, nor the Patriarch's
" Testament", nor even Celano's First Life sufficed to create
and maintain the spirit of the Order which had become
a world-wide institution. The Life of their founder,
written by Gregory the Great, was recognised by the Be-
nedictines as being, after the Rule itself, the Book of the
Order, par excellence. ^ The didactic and moral treatises
after the model of Cassian's works ; and that more unsys-
tematic and confused group put together — not without risk
of dogmatic errors — with the aid of the Liher de Vitis
I Salimbene, Chr. 210; S. Pier Dam. Op. Ill, 261 seqq.
^ Salimbene, 1 08 : Dicunt etiam quod transierunt per homines ydiotas, quando
transeunt per loca fratrum tninorum.
3 5. P. Dam. Op. II, 20 : (Horn. IX ad hon. S. Bened.).
CHAPTER IV 127
Patrum failed to correspond to the new needs. ^ Already
in his first biography Thomas had written of Francis with
his eye ever upon the ancient records of monasticism ; and
now, carrying on his former work with the fresh inspiration
offered by the Chapter of 1 244, with its expression of a
true idea, it was not difficult to create what was required,
vi : — a manual of monastic perfection, a Speculum Per-
fectionis after the ideals of Franciscanism.
Well, the Second Life of Celano is a true and proper
Speculum Perfectionis. And so Thomas must needs draw
more than ever upon Gregory the Great. ^ On this point
we could not wish for words more explicit than those of
the Prologue: Extimo autem beatum Franciscum SPECU-
LUM QUODDAM SANCTISSIMUM DOMINICAE SANCTITATIS
ET IMAGINEM PERFECTIONIS ILLIUS : eius, inquam omnia
tarn verba, quam facta divinum quoddam divinitus redolent,
quae si diligentem habeant inspectorem, humilemque disci-
pulum, cito salutaribus disciplinis imbutum summae illi
philosophiae reddunt acceptum.
The monk should be a "Mirror of Perfection";^ and
perfection is attcuned by studying the books that teach it;"*
1 On the liber Visionum, a source of Caesarius of Heisterbach : Schombach,
in Sitzungsber, cit. Bd. CXXXIX, 1 1 9-20. A book called Consuetudo hererni
is mentioned in a document in Ann. Camald. IV app. No. 218 (359); an. 218.
2 In despatching his Regula Pastoralis to the bishop of Ravenna, Gregory I
(Ep. I, 24 a) writes : Pulchrum depinsi hominem, pictor foedus.
3 Migne, LXXIII, 927 : Peregrinus monachus speculum debet esse localibus
monachis. Cfr. Ann. Camald. IV app. No. 218 an. 1216: Vos speculum totius
Tuscie.... Ch. hid. Eiym. XIX, 31, 18 (ed. Lindemann 612): Dictum autem
speculum.... quod ibi contuentes (feminae) considerent speciem sui vultus, et
quicquid ornamenti desse viderint adiiciant, Greg. M. Moral. II, 1. : Scriptura
sacra mentis oculis, queisi quoddam speculum opponitur etc.
4 Cassian, Inst. Mon. CV. 6. Prol. The writer proposes to discourse « non de
mirabilibus Dei, sed de correctione morum nostrum et consummatione vitae per-
FECTAE etc. ».
128 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
even the Minorite, therefore, has need of a book; and
Thomas provides him w^ith one calculated to meet all exi-
gencies, a book that has had a most remarkable success.
A little groping in the manual, and the origin of his matter
is quickly found. I venture to say that you must close
your eyes in order not to see it — a method appropriate,
perhaps to ecstatic contemplators, but very odd in those who
are historians by profession. With closed eyes we may
have an excellent view of the things inside us, but not of
those without!
The three parts of the book, harmonious in its subdi-
visions, are inspired by well-known themes. It begins
with the "example** of the Saint's conversion and the
history of the Order; next follow further "examples" of
the gifts and graces of the Patriarch, on which all — from
the novice to the General Minister — should model their
own conduct. The Saint*s death itself is an "example"
of a good end ; and that solemn moment is coldly exploited
by didactic rhetoric, on the principle that the word of the
d5ang man is specially weighty and memorable, as gathering
up in a single phrase the secret of a pious existence. This
is why Celano repeats, with variations, the scene of the
death of Francis. ^
If only the book were as faithful to fact as it is loyal
to the idea which animates it throughout! Often, if not
always, the very style pulls itself together, as it were, and
the pompous solemnity of the First Life gives place to a
simplicity less involved alike in diction and in thought. But
as soon as the writer has made himself master of the reader*s
I Compare the lengthy sermon uttered by the dying S. Severinus, ed. cit. c.
43 (49-50) and R. 104.
CHAPTER IV 129
mind and has allured him, so to speak, with the bait of
a narrative of things true or plausible, by a clever sleight-of-
hand he substitutes for Francis a puppet from the familiar
oriental repertoire. We are in the Chapter of Temptations
and I w^ill not attempt to resist them !
Naked amid the snow the Saint quenches the flames
of impure desire : then he forms of the white material seven
figures that represent wife, children and servants. It is the
family that he has granted to his disconsolate solitude. He
says to himself : " Hasten to clothe them, for, as thou seest
they are dying of cold ! If the cares of a family prove
so heavy for thee, serve God alone, and thon shalt have
neither care nor anxiety". Celano is a man of honour.
He adds that one of the ** spiritual " brethren, intent on
prayer saw all, by the bright light of the moon that flooded
the garden, but refrained from revealing it to any one during
Francis' life-time. He had promised the Saint to be
silent, and kept his word. Alas! the poor "spiritual
brother" was the victim of a strange illusion. He read
a book — and thought he saw Saint Francis in a garden !
It was the moon, no doubt that deceived him. It was
clay not snow in which the "potter" wrought to reduce
the rebellious flesh by his artistic exertions. '
The beginning and the end of the manual of perfection
preserve, up to a certain point, the narrative form ; but in
the body of the book the life of Francis is decomposed
into a series of pictures corresponding to the various virtues
presented for imitation. True even when cut up into
fragments the figure does not cease to coruscate ; but its
R. 64 and Migne, LXXIII. 747.
130 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
lightnings, which might else be dangerous, are tempered
by monastic prudence. '
Thomas describes the immense activity of his hero.
Every word the Saint utters is a wise admonition, every
act is a gem of teaching. From Bari to Alessandria,
from the noblest cities of Italy to its obscurest villages he
passes, preaching and blessing. He composes discord, he
corrects and sanctifies, he sings praises to God continually,
without ceasing. Diseases rack his frame ; he subdues them
by the serenity of his spirit. On his death-bed he reserves
his last smile of satisfaction for the "loan" of a wretched
garment which enables him to escape from the odious con-
ception of "property": and so the dream of heaven brought
down to earth, which had flashed across his mind as across
the ardent fancy of Chrysostom, finds its climax ... in
the terms of a contract ! ^ As one reads and reads over
again the Memoriale of Celano a new impression forces
itself upon one. No ! it is not always Francis who stands
before us. He who peers craftily into the poor heart of
the novice to discern the templations of youth not yet re-
signed to the denial of love ; he who, like an old anchorite
curbs rigidly the impulses of human passion and stands
immoveable during the recitation of the psalter^ this is not
the friend of the flowers and of the sun ; it is a crabbed
abbot, escaped from his own ruined cloister and sum-
1 Cfr. R. 31; II, 14: The Saint is described almost as a recluse who hates
the light and the world.
2 R. 107 III, 139. Cfr. Pohlmann, Gesch. des antiken Kommunismus und
Sozialismus 1901 : II, 617.
3 R. Ill, 39. Spec. perf. c. 94 (186) : nolebat muro, vel parieti, dum psalleret,
adhaerere.... sed semper erectus. Migne, LXXIII, 258. V. Pach. c. 14:Non
iacens somnum capiebat noctibus, sed in medio cellulae suae residens, adeo ut nee
dorsum saltem parieti, pro substentatione reclinaret.
CHAPTER IV 131
moned to teach, in the blessed Porziuncula the difficult art
of ruling soul and body.
What a wealth of cleverness and of scepticism are to
be found in this book, which is a chef d' oeuvre — possibly
the chef d' oeuvre of monastic imposture in the thirteenth
century — entwined like clinging ivy round the little plant
of Assisi! What are the innocent literary frauds of the
learned Hincmar in comparison with these of Celano ? ^
The manual must needs correspond to its lofty purpose,
certain images out of the First Life must disappear — they
were obsolete survivals. The memories of the Saint's gay
youth, those of Bro. Elias ; the fresh idyll of the joyous
band on its way back from Rome; the sharp vivacity of
certain expressions, and the calm indifference to the flatteries
of vain erudition.
In the presence of the Povere Donne d' Assisi it was
prudent that the Saint should now droop his eyes, in order
that novices should not get into the habit of lifting theirs
too high, but should cultivate a certain self-restaint. In
the first Legend there stood out the figure of a beauteous
virgin, sketched with masterly swiftness, free from all rhe-
torical rubbish with which Celano's clever art might have
overlaid it. It is the figure of " Evangelic Poverty ".
Chastely secure in her absolute nakedness, she flashed with
sparkling light. In 1 230 a mantle was thrown over her
naked limbs — the mantle of the Bull "Quo elongati" :''
and this vesture cried out to be embroidered with subtle
juridical and canonical conceptions.
Men and things were changing ; but there remained the
1 Vita S. Remigii, in MG. SS. merov. Ill, 261 seqq.
2 Sbaralea. Bull, franc. I 68. No. 56.
132 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
fundamental compact of the Order with Rome, dominating
and dominated by the mighty family. Upon the rough
and ingenuous group of the Socii of Assisi had arisen an
imposing organisation that knew no bounds either of political
dominions or of ecclesiastical jealousies. It was necessary
to point out with the utmost clearness to this world the
virtue of obedience to the Church, the charity of its go-
verment, and the rules of the modus Vivendi with it. Broad
as Franciscan thought, which is derived from the Gospel ;
lively and various as the new conditions ; proud, yet loyal
to Rome, as the Saint's own compact : — such must be the
great commentary on the Rule which the Pope, with the
interpretative skill of a glossator, was to reconcile with the
practice of the Franciscan's life. This commentary, which is
identical with the "Mirror of Perfection" of the institution
and of the individual, was asked and was obtained from
Thomas of Celano. He was in a position to write it.
In the First Life, Celano gave to the Saint the physi-
ognomy he was enjoined to give ; in the second he describ-
ed the life of the Order and of the individual Friar ac-
cording to rules still more rigid.
Such is the character of the book : Francis is no longer
its only hero. The brilliant figure depicted is that of the
perfection of the Order. ' If the desired perfection is to
be found actually in the Saint, we can believe that Thomas
takes it from the life ; if it is not there, he takes it from
elsewhere, and from a source — we may suggest — that is
I Prol. Dehinc vero exprimere intendimus et vigilanti studio declarare, quae
s. Patris tam in se, quara in suis, fuerit voluntas bona, beneplacens el perfecta
in omni exercitio disciplinae coelestis et summae perfectionis studio, quod semper
habuit apud Deum.... et apud homines in exemplis. — Greg. M. In Job prae-
fatio I, I ; n. 4, c. 2.: Adhibita sunt praecepta.... adiunguntur exempla.
1
CHAPTER IV 133
not necessarily historical. If it is but too true that " reason-
ing makes no wrinkles", it is true also of the proofs which
we mean presently to adduce.
We said above that the first chapter of the Speculum
had to be that on conversion; and as a matter of fact
conversion is the subject that the professional writers of
treatises on monasticism make it a rule to develope first. '
The conversion is prepared for, or shadowed forth, in the
very opening words : Franciscus .... cui divina providentia
hoc vocaholum indidit, ut et singulari et insueto nomine
opinio ministerii eius, ioti innotesceret orbi, a matre propria
Johannes vocatus fuit, cum de filio irae, ex aqua et Spiritu
sancio renascens, gratiae filius est effectus. ^ It is his
mother, a new Elisabeth, who foresees the sanctity of
her son, on whom presently smiles the certitude of being
worshipped upon the altars. ^ The Saint's name is changed.
Called by his mother at the font Giovanni, i. e., servant
and "friend" of the Most High, he received from Divine
Providence the other " strange and unusual " name of
Francesco. " When God gives or changes a man's name,
it is an indication of saintly life " — such is the teaching
which the good disciple Thomas of Celano draws from
his master Hincmar ! '^
Probably, according to a custom of which there are very
numerous examples in the thirteenth century, the name Fran-
1 Heisterbach, I, I De convers. {Strange 1, 3 seqq.) ; Cassian.
2 The biblical phrase reappears in Cassian. Conl. Mon. Ill, 7 ; CV. 78.
3 /?. I (I, I): Adhuc sanctus adorabor per seculum totum, i. e. for ever.
How is such a thought to be reconciled with Franciscan humility ? Celano is the
victim of his own excellent memory ; St. Ambrose also as a child makes them
kiss his hand in anticipation of the episcopal dignity. Paulini, Vita s. Ambrosii
c. 4 : Dicens et sibi id.... fieri oportere, si quidem episcopum se futurum.
4 Vita Rem, 1. c. 261, Cfr. Jerem. I, 5.
134 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
ciscus was added afterwards to the baptismal name. This
would explain the " work of Providence". But we must
not neglect to point out that Celano was inaccurate in af-
firming that the name Francesco was "stange and unusual".
In Tuscan documents of the twelfth century we find Fran-
cischo and Franzus'/ that proves the relative frequency
of the nsune.
These many presages of future spiritual greatness no
longer harmonised w^th the storms of his early youtL
His mother, indeed, like Monica, asks, quasi divino instructa
oraculo: "What shall my son be?" But it is not because
she is anxious about him ; only to console herself with her
own reply : " Meritorum gratia, Dei filium ipsum noveritis
affuturum". Freuicis grew up courteous and well-bred;
"he had not the appearance of having sprung from the
family which claimed him". So says Celano, meaning no
insult, of course, to the ineproachable mother, but to Ber-
nardone. Had the biographer still in mind the portrait
which Saint Gregory paints in his Dialogues? — The father
who accustoms his son to blasphemy opens the gates of
Hell to his offspring. The responsibility of the slight moral
deviations — if such there were — of the Sciint's youth, lies
always at the door of his father, who imports, perchance
with French merchandise, heretical blasphemies also. The
pious compassion of Francis flows forth unhindered as soon
as he has shaken off the paternal shackles ; in his first
moments of emancipation he bestows, not merely half a
cloeik but an entire vesture, and a very rich one, upon a
poor mcui. Saint Martin himself has been surpassed ! By
I DaviJsohn, Forschungen zur Geschichle von Florenz 1 900 ; II, 1 60. See
also Tarducci, Vita di s. Francesco, (1904); 6 (note 12), who collects other
iiutances.
CHAPTER IV 135
a wonderful vision God transforms the murky smoke of
military glory that for a short time darkened the hero's
mind. The conversion of the soldier of fortune is more
rapid than that of the Roman Legionary had been. " Re-
turn to thy country", is the Lord's injunction: and Francis
returns, an obedient child of God.
In his own city, his former companions, " children of
Babylon", attempt to seduce him back to perdition; but
in vain. All they can win from him is a farewell banquet.
He is changed. He proceeds to climb the steep mountain
of the new life. "
Who can trace out seriously and historically, in the
brilliant artistic design of the First and the Second Life,
that foundation of truth which seems to stand out so clearly
to the modern biographers of the Saint ?
Assisi and Guido's episcopal palace had been, according
to the former narrative, the witnesses of the great act of
Francis' conversion; but evidently that scene was now consi-
dered too humble for so great a Saint as the Patriarch
of the Franciscans. The Second Life transfers the scene
to Rome, where it is enacted in front of the Apostle's
tomb and in the sight of all Christendom. For love of
God the pilgrim of Assisi lays aside his own elegant vesture,
and donning the garb of a beggar outside the Church of
Saint Peter, sits down and eats ravenously, confused among
the crowd of mendicants. "" Great is the solemnity of the
episode, which has found a warm welcome in the later
legend and in the artistic pages of Sabatier. ^ This is the
psychological moment of the conversion. All that is lacking
I R 12. 13 (I. 3).
a R 12: (I. 4).
3 Vie de s. Francois, 28.
136 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
is an identification of the Saint's impetuous zeal with a
profound obsequiousness to the majesty of the Roman
Church. And for this very reason Francis is made to
enter the Church and approach the altar of the Apostle.
The piety of the faithful is meagre; the scanty oblations
rarely give a ring of metal upon the plate which at once
collects and denounces them. Then the pilgrim casts in
money by handfuls, and remembers even the humblest ec-
clesiastical officials. ^
The man who was to assume an apostolic mission, from
the very beginning was filled with the catholic faith in all
its integrity and with reverence for the ministers and the
things of God. Saint Francis reconciles Poverty with the
Church. The outlines of the poor priest of Saint Damian's
and of the Bishop of Assisi himself ^ now grow pale and
3 I observe that Celano, like our friend Homer, is subject to occasional fits
of abstraction. Francis changes his rich robes for the beggar's rags ; it seems, however
that he did not forget to remove his purse, but put it into the pocket (if there
was one) of the tattered vesture he had donned ! As a matter of fact the Saint
is represented as entering the church after his change of clothes, and, when there,
could not have thrown all that money down before the altar of St. Peter, if he
had not been careful to keep hold of it at the moment of his heroic act. It
were more dramatic and more logical to invert the order of the two incidents.
I In the second narrative there comes out more clearly the part played by
the bishop of Assisi in the conflict between father and son. Francis, cursed by
his father (Salimbene relates in very similar language the story of his own con-
version and his father's wrath : Chr. 1 3) gets himself blessed by a simple and
holy man of the people, and restores to his father the money which he had in-
tended to spend for the rebuilding of the Church, and that by the advice of
the bishop of his city, a man of deep piety, on the ground that it would not
be lawful to devote to sacred uses wealth that had been ill-gotten. Thereupon
the Saint, reciting the Pater noster, and declaring himself son of God and not
of Bernardone, restores to the latter not only the money in question but also the
clothes he has on ; and concludes : " nudus igitur ad Dominum pergam " {R.
14-15; I, 7). An historian would say that with this rite of stripping himself
Francis performed his part of the forisfamiliatio ; that is to say, detaching himself
from his family, he restores to the parental authority that which he (having become
extraneous to it) could no longer keep back. It is probable that the touches by
which the old nanative is modified were suggested to Celano by the necessity — or
CHAPTER IV 137
dim. Woe to this last if he approach without due caution
the One whom he gathered naked into his arms! His
indiscretion shall cost him his voice ! '
Thomas gives proofs of a most excellent memory. After
so many years he recalls a page of the namesake of his
provincial minister Caesarius. In Germany, as elsewhere,
the canons of good family went about in magnificent clo-
thing, and were regarded with suspicion by the friars
whenever they knocked for admission to the convents. The
noble canon Philip recognised the danger and took measures
to avoid it. '* Scholas deseruit, et cum esset adolescens
delicatus, bonisque vestibus indutus, pauperi scholari sibi
occurrenti illas dedit, vilia illius vestimenta reinduens".''
So writes Caesarius of Heisterbach : Celano copies him
with alterations, leaving however the two words vestimenta
and delicata as indications of his plagiarism. And when
once these German records came crowding into the rhetori-
cian's mind, how could he pass over the ever-memorable
figure of the canon Ensfrid, ^ who invited to his table poor
men with ulcerous hands, holding out his own bowl to
them that they might eat with him?"^ There was no ne-
cessity to go as far as Rome to see the beggars at the
church doors ; Thomas had read over and over again in
the opportunity — of a nearer approach to the truth which had been rudely vio-
lated by the scene as described in the First Life in terms of a monastic Abre-
nuntiatio.
1 R 55 ; (III. 43).
2 I, 38 ; Strange I, 467.
3 Kaufmann, Caesarius v. Heisterbach, 1850; 22-23; But neither is Caesarius
original. Ensfrid liberates children from a master who did more teaching with
his fist than with his tongue (VI, 5), so does S. Simeon Stultus : Acta SS. T.
Jul. 156. Perhaps there was a Latin version of the Life of S. Simeon unknown
to the Bollandist.
4 VI, 5. (I, 350). Cfr. Greg. M. Dial. I, 9.
138 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
the " Lives of the Fathers " : " In porticu .... ecclesiae
iacet multitudo mancorum ". ' That was the fertile sowing-
plot for good works. No one will doubt that Francis
did really give loving consolation to the miserable and
leprous ; indeed it is his infinite pity that excites the artist
of Celano to give his hero the classical attitudes of the
conventional friend of the poor. Francis could not have
shewn himself inferior to an aristocratic German canon!
We may believe in the virtues of the Saint: but the
words of an incorrigible plagiarist fail to move us. A short
and unimportant chapter brings back summarily to mind
the episodes of the temptation of Saint Francis and his
tenderness towards lepers ; ^ but Thomas is in a great hurry
to describe the miracle "unheard of for centuries past".
In the ruined and deserted church of Sciint Damian, a
painted Crucifix speaks to the Saint: "Francis, go and
repair My house, which, as thou seest, is all in ruins".
"Was a greater portent ever heard of?" exclaims Celano
triumphantly — just as Sulpicius Severus exclaims when he
proves that for miraculous virtues, Saint Martin surpasses
all the anchorites of the Thebaid. ^ At the foot of the
Crucified the Saint weeps over the Passion of the true God
and true Man, who shall make him worthy to bear His
wounds. This theme is already familiar to us, but it is
necessary to subjoin one or two examples, to shew that
the miracle is very far from being "unheard of".
1 Cfr. S. John. V. 3. Migm, LXXIII, 1197. (Hist. Laus.) These clients
of the Saints are called matricularii ; as being inscribed in the registers of the
Church and supported by the offerings of the faithful ; cfr. Greg. Tur. De virt.
S. luliani, c. 38; De virt. S. Martini, I, 31 ; II, 22; Hist. Franc. Vll, 29.
Greg. M. Ep. Ill, 41, 42 (MG. 200-1 note 1).
2 R. 12, 13; (I, 5). Cfr. Greg. M. Horn, in Evang. II, 39; n. 10.
3 Dial. II. 5; CV. 186.
CHAPTER IV 139
In the silence and mystic twilight of the cloister the
pain-racked image of Jesus upon the cross loses the ri-
gidity of dead matter and quivers like a living thing. The
convulsed lips tremble, and speak to Bro. Corrado as he
contemplates the eternal spectacle of the great Martyrdom :
"See, Corrado, how much I have suffered for thee ! " ^
Bro. Daniel, again, fixes an undiverted gaze upon the
Crucifix, and the Crucifix, moved by such devotion, ad-
dresses to him a divine word of kindness : " Ask all that
thou wilt!" The grace requested and obtained is that of
never thinking on the Passion with dry eyes. ^ If a monk
is consumed with the feverish desire for martyrdom, the
hands of Christ free themselves from the bloodstained nails
and embrace the candidate for that glorious death ; ^ if a
nun is tormented by Satan, Jesus clasps the poor victim
of temptation to His heart, and heals her once for all. "^
He who is disposed to believe Thomas of Celano,
cannot deny credence to Caesarius of Heisterbach. Strange
are thfe vicissitudes of the legend of Saint Francis!
It has come down to us in its actual form partly because
Thomas sojourned in Germany long enough to become
acquainted with the works of that narrator of miracles, the
delight of all the German monasteries, the incomparable
artist who is not known or studied to day as he merits.
But for the German mission of I 22 1 , it is probable that
the Franciscan Legend would have assumed a very diffe-
rent shape. As a result of the diffusion of the Minorites
throughout the world, the form of the Patriarch came to
1 Caes. VIll, 20 (Strange II, 98).
2 Caes. VIlI. 11 (II. 90); cfr. VIII. 10 (II, 89).
3 Caes. VIII. 16 (II. 94).
4 Caes. VIII, 20 (II. 98).
140 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
be enriched with traits drawn from the most celebrated
stories in vogue in each different country : and thus the
physiognomy of the seraphic man became familiar to the
whole world.
The words of the Crucifix of Saint Damian's have the
other miracle of the Stigmata as their logical consequence.
There was therefore no necessity to repeat the narrative
of visions. The Stigmata, and the pains taken by the
Saint to conceal those marks of Divine favour now come
to be simply an example of his humilify, and afford a
convenient occasion for taking away from certain of the
"Companions" the wish to boast of having seen the mystic
wounds. ^
In the Preface to the " Manual " there was only room
for certain subjects exquisitely selected and developed : Saint
Francis intent on the restoration of Saint Damian's the
conversion of Saint Bernard, the conversation with Inno-
cent III, the establishment of the religious capital of the
Order at the Porziuncula — " caput omnium Sanctorum "
and "speculum religionis" — and, finally, the first acts of
the pious government of the great family and the solemn
approbation of the Rule in the days of Honorius. Among
the companions who attach themselves to the Saint as soon
as he has escaped from the persecutions of his father and
brother after the Hesh, the most prominent place is given
to the figure of Bernard, follower, according to Divine
prophecy, of Francis and Poverty. ^
The episode (among those collected later in the Actus), ^
1 /?. 71-3 De occultatione stigmatum ; the chapter precedes that de humilitate.
2 R. 16 (I, 10). R. 33 (II. 17).
3 Actus No. 1 § 10 seqq. Fior. No. 2. Cfr. S. Aug. Confess. VIII, 12:
Migne. LXXIII, 127.
CHAPTER IV 141
IS repeated by Celano in the place where he records the
conversion of the priest Silvestro, the miserly vendor of stones
that are to become the House of God. '
It seems to me that the symbolism (which is the cha-
racteristic disease of those days) in this place at least lends
transparency to the fact. Avarice and simony, like a ma-
lignant cancer, are ruining the Church; but Francis does
not wash only the poor lepers, he cleanses also impure
priests. The priest Silvestro sells to the Saint the stones
with which he is to restore the building which Innocent
sees crumbling down and supported only by the simple
and despised man of Assisi. ^ We see nothing of the
proud plant that scarcely deigns to bend down its branches
before the Poverello, as it is described in the first, timid
Legend. The haughty tree has become a trembling reed.
In 1 229 Celano shews us Francis almost terrified by the
majesty of the Pope ; here on the other hand, God an-
nounces to the Pope the mission of His servant, as the
mission of the humble Aequitius had been announced to
Symmachus.
Not many years have gone by since the meeting of the
learned Lotario with the simple Saint of Umbria : yet the
"Memoriale" — allowing for Celano's exaggeration — indi-
cates most surprisingly, in its changed language, the serious
humiliations inflicted by the Franciscan Society upon the
Papacy and the secular clergy. On his entrance into the
Order, the novice learnt from Thomas' book that one must
shew obedience to the Church and the Pope ; ^ but at the
1 R. 60 (II, 54).
2 R. 16-18 (I, II). It seems as though Innocent were disturbed by other
people's visions : Reg. II No. 405.
3 R. 20-1 (I, 16, 17). Spec. c. 78: Quod voluil religionem semper esse
142 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
same time he was made aware that without Saint Francis
— and, still more, without the Franciscans — the Church
would not have had left to her one stone upon another.
The sins of the unworthy ministers had justly cancelled
the promises of God. So there remains still in a rheto-
rician who is the Popes' whole-hearted and devoted ser-
vant, the Franciscan germ of heresy.
The work of Celano gives us a repetition of the clas-
sical type of monastic institutions, and never diverges from
the spirit of conventional monasticism. ^ And hence it is
that the whole body of the work is distributed under a
number of "Examples" corresponding in number to the
number of the virtues proper to the perfect life of the Re-
ligious. The dogmatic definition of each virtue is followed
by the narrative of those acts or occurrences that are cal-
culated to illustrate best, and impress most strongly on the
mind, the intimate nature of the moral endowment which
the monk needs if he is to approach the great Model.
We may take, for our own example, the chapter on Hu-
milify. The heading says : Sub hoc titulo continetur
humilitas sancti in habitu, sensu et moribm, et contra
proprium sensum. ^ First of all humility, which is omnium
virtutum custos et decor, is defined as being the foundation
sub proiectione et correctione ecclesiae romanae. Cfr. Salimbene, 119: Nam
summis Pontificihus obediendum est. Vita b. Aegid. in Acta SS. Apr. T. Ill,
225 : O Sancta mater Ecclesia Romana, nos insipientes et miseri non cognosci-
tnus te, neque bonitatem tuam. Tu doces viam salutis, paras et ostendis nobis
viam, per quam si quis pergit - ascendit ad caelestem gloriam. There was no
rebellion in them !
1 St. Dominic might have studied the Collationes patrum (SS. Ord. Praed.
Jord. c. 7. 1. 4) ; but St. Francis even if he had been to school with the priests
of S. Giorgio (I Vita 23 ; Bonav. 219) would not have understood such a book.
Celano no doubt undertook this work on his behalf I
2 R. 5, 73 seqq.
CHAPTER IV 143
of the monastic life. ' This definition — we may remark
at once, for the benefit of those who care to know — is
drawn in substance from Gregory the Great. ^ If the Pa-
triarch is humility itself in all his actions, it is clear that
after dealing lightly with characteristic aspects of that supreme
virtue as they appeared in the Saint, Thomas should
demonstrate in what manner and degree he was, felt himself
to be, and wished to be and to appear humble : how he drew
salutary lessons from the very people who humiliated him
and, in so doing, involuntarily lifted him higher than ever.
So anecdote alternates with teaching, and the lesson becomes
less trying. One among many of such little stories a propos
of humility is related by Celano as follows. " Once upon
a time the Saint had to preach at Terni. The bishop
presented him to the congregation with fair words, and
when the sermon was ended he said : * At the last hour
God hath willed to enlighten his Church, sending this
beggarly fellow, ill-conditioned, simple and ignorant {pau-
perculus, despedus, simplex et illicteratus). And therefore
we give thanks to the Lord who granteth not such boons
to all the nations'.^ There is no need to record the answer
of the great preacher to the discourteous bishop. The
subject of the simplicity of Franciscan speech fitted in very
1 Non discemebatur Dei princeps (I) quod praelatus esset, nisi hac clarissima
gemma, quia, inter minores, minimus aderat. Haec virtus, hie titulus, hoc insigne
generalem indicabat esse ministrum. In the so-called Speculum (c. 78) there is
but a miserable paraphrase of these conceits, mixed up with reminiscences of other
passages of Celano.
2 Moral. XVIII, in c. 33 Job ; n. 24 : Humilitatem, quae magistra est omnium
materque virtutis. In Evang. I, 7 n. 4 : Scientia - virtus est, humilitas etiam custos
virtutis. Cfr. Cassian. Inst. IV, 29 ; CV. 68 Christi humilitas quae est vera
nobiliteis. Migne, LXXIII, 785 ; Omnis labor monachi, sine humilitate, vanus est.
Humilitas enim praecursor (sic) est charitatis etc.
3 K. 74 ; (III, 73).
144 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
well with that of humility ; and Celano, who lacks neither
spirit nor clever art, makes this his opportunity of celebra-
ting those triumphs of the Saint that gave so much an-
noyance to the clergy. The clergy might indeed be,
technically, learned ; but they had forgotten the reason why
the populates sermones of Saint Ambrose had been so
successful. ' In the Bull of Canonization of the Saint —
that unfortunate piece of official rhetoric — there is mention
of the "simple" words of the new Samson who, armed
with the famous " jaw-bone of an ass " triumphed over
the enemy like the Israelite hero. From the jaw-bone there
issued afterwards a copious stream of water which washed
many a stain and refreshed the parched and exhausted
meadows of the Faith. If we were not dealing with a
simitude of Saint Gregory's derived allegorically from the
story in the Bible, one might have suspected that the rhe-
torician of the Curia really desired, with scanty reverence
for the new Saint, to hint at the ignorance of the man
who had no need of schooling in order to thrill the crowds
with his burning phrases. ^
Within the restricted circle of such facts as, in all pro-
bability, are but little removed from the truth, Thomas of
Celano deserves credence, and his work, in certain points
(of course with the greatest caution) acquires also a little
of the dignity of history. Yet the temptation to add example
1 S. August. Confess. VI, 4; CV. 119.
2 Sbaralea, Bull. Franc. I No. 25 a. 1 228 : Praedicatione siquidem simplici,
nullis verborum persuasibilium humanae sapientiae coloribus adornata. Here is the
Gregorian allegory : (Moral. XIII ; in c. 16 Job ; n. 15): Maxilla quippe Ec-
clesiae, sancti praedicatores sunt..., Hinc est etiam quod Samson maxillam asini
tenuit et hostes peremit.... Et maxilla in terram proiecta, postmodum aquas fudit.
Cfr. lud. XV, 16-19. It is true also that God "aperuit os asinae et locuta est":
Num. XXII, 28; see further Greg. M. Ep. V, 53 a; MG. 355.
CHAPTER IV 145
to example makes him trip up occasionally in his l)dng. ^
Then, when he has exhausted the series of true anec-
dotes he gracehiUy adapts to his purpose whatsoever his
memory suggests. And so he teaches also to those who
shall come after him the secret of sunplification and of
plagiarism.
Let us pause for a moment longer in the congenial
realm of Humility which borders on that of Prophecy, and
let Celano speak. ^ He relates, then, how Saint Francis,
when he returned from his mission bryond the sea, had
with him Bro. Leonard of Assisi. They were both tired
to death. The Saint, to rest himself a little, rode upon
a donkey and Leonard followed on foot. Even ssiints
are human, and Bro. Leonard could not help thinking :
** My ancestors would not have deigned to associate with
his ^ . . . yet look at him ! He on the donkey, and I, as
driver, on foot!" Then Francis dismounts and says: "Nay,
brother ; it is not seemly that I should be riding upon the
ass, and thou who in the world wast nobler and more
powerful than I shouldst follow me on foot". Astounded
1 The same ill - fortune attaches also to the Dominican writers. A little of
Caesarius and a great deal of Gregory the great give life to the little story that
we read in the legend of the bishop of Orvieto (SS. Ord. Praed. I, 33 ; cfr.
Greg. M. Dial. II, 27 and Caes. XI, 35 ; Strange, II, 297) ; and the customary
dracones that pursue such of the Preaching Friars as are not quite sure of themselves,
are undoubtedly Gregorian (SS. cit. 1. c. 7 and Dial. II, 25). The good Pas-
sattanti, who had not the task of composing a saint's Life, in his Specchio della
oera penitenza, honestly quotes the Lives of the Fathers, Gregory the Great, Bede,
Jacques di Vitry, Caesarius of Heisterbach etc., whence he draws the material
for his work. Ed. Classici Ital. 1808, Cesario 31, 105, 138, 18! etc. Maestro
Jacopo de Vettriaco, 1 33 etc.). A professional man of letters might well make
a study of the fortunes of Caesarius in Italy.
2 R. 24 (II. 1).
3 I render into the vernacular Celano's phrase : non ludebanl de pari parentes
huius et miei.
1
146 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
at the unexpected answer to his thought, Leonard perceived
that nothing could be concealed from the Saint, and
humbly begged pardon of him. How lively is that spectre
of "nobility" that crouches beneath the serge which clothes
the magnificent Thomas of Celano!
Now we will pay a visit to Saint Benedict. ' The
Saint is calmly seated at table, and the lamp that illumines
his cell is held by a Brother of noble family — his father
was nothing less than defensor, and therefore a person of
consideration. ^ A diabolical thought passes through the
mind of this Brother. " Who is this whom I serve while
he eats? And who am I that I should have to wait upon
him?" Saint Benedict was as successful in reading hearts
as was Saint Francis in a later age ; but the man of As-
sisi shewed himself more gentle than he of Nurscia. The
sweet temper of Francis is attested by the falsehood of his
biographer better than by a hundred true anecdotes. Ce-
lano has copied from Gregory with short and insignificant
alterations : — everything except the end of the tale. The
harsh words which Saint Benedict uttered in a like case,
saint Francis would never have pronounced. Celano, who
knew the Saint, when he imagined him in the same cir-
cumstances as Benedict, attributed to him this placid and
gentle answer, which is like a clear ray from a light very
for away and studiously hidden from our view. As with
honest intent we retrace the tortuous path of the biographer
of Saint Francis, criticism has these pleasant surprises in
store for us.
In the "Memoriale" the concatenation of themes is
1 Dial. II. 20.
2 The defensor civilatis has a right to the title vir clarisaimus or vir lauda-
bilia {Marini, Papiri Dipl. 113; MG. Leg. Sect V, 1 Form. 4.
CHAPTER IV 147
thought out and developed with consummate wisdom. This
is how it presents itself, in a few broad lines : — God
grants to the Saint the gift of prophecy ; he reads in the
souls their temptations, aids those tormented by the tempter
to overcome, and unmasks hypocrites. The cult of poverty
and the serene courage of the outstretched hand bring him
near, in utmost tenderness, to the abandoned. From the
ardour of his soul his words burst forth like flames. Satan,
in the form of accidie, is conquered by holy industry. A
serene spiritual gladness flashes in the dark eyes of Francis,
humble in his glory, obedient as the least of the Mino-
rites, sworn foe of idleness and of darkness, whose soul
lies wide open to the ecstatic contemplation of the beauti-
ful things created by God.
If some historians have failed to see their way clearly
through this dry catalogue of themes and of facts, the
fault is certainly not Celano's. But I cannot help bringing
forward one other consideration which has again and again
presented itself to my mind. In the First Legend — a
phrase which may be taken to include collectively the two
works of Celano, for we cannot take account of any other —
it is strange that the sinister preoccupations of the other
life, with the customary tenors of hell and cruel uncer-
tainties that tormented so many believers, have not in any
way found that place so generously conceded to them in
the other writings of the period. There is no word of
the other world, of the pains of hell or of the joys of
paradise till we come to the stories of the Fioretti that are
to follow. Francis says nought of them ; the terrors of his
time are unknown to him. Everything is alive about him.
Even the stone is no inanimate thing, for his unutterable
tenderness penetrates it and transforms it into a being that
148 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
can feel and suffer/ God is everywhere: to behold
Him it is not necessary to close one's eyes to the light of
the sun and of the universe, so beautiful, so full of His
glory. '
^ R. 84 : Super petras ambulat reverenter. . .
2 R. S3 : Muodum quasi peregrinationis exilium exire festinans, iuvabatur felix
iste viator iis, quae in mundo sunt, non modicum quiden. The desire "dissolvi
et esse cum Christo" (cfr. 5. Aug. Ep, (LVIII, c. 2 Op. II, 560) is obligatory
for all who aspire ad atria Dei.
CHAPTER V
THE CONTENT OF THE TRUE SPECULUM
PERFECTIONIS
AT the risk — or rather with the certainty — of being
tedious, we must repeat that the "Second Life" is
a Speculum Perfectionis. In it the sayings and doings
of the Saint are not set forth in accordance with the
technical rules of historical nanative; the link of chrono-
logical sequence, which should group together and distri-
bute the principal events, is broken. The treatment derives
its unity from the design which the author has in mind — a
design which, according to his opinion, corresponds to the
precise aims of the book. If we remove the single " exam-
ples" from the place which they occupy and try to put
them together, all the matter becomes intricate and confu-
sed in appearance. It is almost as if one should take the
books of a library from the shelves where they were ar-
ranged on definite principles of classification, and pile them
up in a great heap.
Since, however, the order given by Celano to the ma-
terial of his book need not prejudice that to be followed
by us, there will be no harm in pausing in front of the
most notable pictures, without removing them from the place
in which they are found by the will of the artist.
Francis has from God the spirit of prophecy, which
manifests itself not only in the announcement of the ap-
150 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
preaching defeat of the crusaders, of the civil war in Pe-
rugia, and of other events of minor importance ; ' but also,
in a special way, in the power of discerning the pious or
wicked resolutions within the soul of young novices. Thomas
is not willing that the customary shrewdness of celebrated
abbots should be lacking, in so essential a matter, to his
Patriarch — or to that Patriarch's successors. There is
nothing of greater importance to the Order than this. On
the wise choice of these tender plants depends the glorious
future of the great family. The half-falsehood of attribu-
ting to Francis the sureness of vision of certain famous
abbots in the preliminary examination of novices, is more
than venial 1
That young nobleman of Lucca who with joined hands,
on bended knee, and bathed in tears, begs in vain from
the Saint the boon of reception into his Order, has tried
already at other convent-gates without success. He has
always received the same answer — a refusal. This can-
didate for perfection has not the necessary spirituality;
only capricious impulses, which evaporate as quickly as
they form. ^ Another enthusiast for evangelic poverty, be-
fore he dons the habit, remembers that he has relatives
in the world, and distributes to them, instead of to the
poor, the riches which have now become useless to him. ^
1 R. 23-4 (II. 2): R. 27 (II. 6); R. 27-8 (II. 7) etc. R. 22 (II, 1).
Praedicebat multa spiritu propheliae, occulta cordium rimabatur, noscebat absen-
tia, pxaevidehat et enarrabat futura. Greg. M. II, 12: Coepit — vir Dei pro-
phetiae etiam spiritu pollere, Ventura praedicere, praesentibus etiam absentia nun-
tiare.
2 R. 29 (II, 9); Spec. 103. Cfr. Caes. I, 1 1 : Venit ad nos adolescens
quiJam canonicus - magis. ut postea rei exitus probavit, ex quadam levitate mentis,
quam devotione conversionis... Dominus G. abbas noster intelligens solam in causa
esse ievitatem - cum satis tamen rogaretur suscipere iuvenem, non consensit. Qui
mox eadem via, qua venit, rediit. Cfr. ib. I, 9 »= Vita S. Bern. I, 13 etc.
3 R. 47 (III, 25). De renuntiantibus seculo.
CHAPTER V 151
Bd-ore formulating the judgement of Francis on this point
Thomas glances at the pages of some of his old books. ^
Again, a novice displays qualities the reverse of good : he
eats, and does no work. ^ Here are two Brethren called
"flies'* because good for nothing. "Flies" and "devils"
(according to an old phrase) come and go in the same way :
and it is best to keep them at a distance. ^
Certain wandering spirits there are, never satiated with
sanctity: these are more than suspected. For them the
Order has not perfection enough. If we keep our eyes —
and the Dialogues of Gregory the Great — well open, we
shall see that they have upon their back a clinging devil,
in flesh and bones. "^ Another bad sign is the neglect of
confession. ^ Woe to the novice and to the professed friar
who do not immediately seek shelter from their temptations
by confessing them fully to one single confessor. ^ Without
such aid the evil becomes incurable. There is not always
a dragon ready to keep the monk from apostasy. ^ The
abbot must keep watch over each and all. A word from
1 Mtgne, LXXIII, 931 : Soror mea pauper est, si do ei eleemosynam, non
«st sicut unus de pauperibus >... Dixit senex : Non... quia sanguis trahit te mo-
<licum. Cfr. Greg. M. In Evang. Horn. 11, 27 n. 1. The words of Francis
" Rondum existi de domo et cognalione tua " are taken from Cassian. Conl.
111. 6, 7. CV. 73 seqq.
2 R. 45 (III. 21); Spec. c. 24,
3 Migne, 1. c. 803 : Muscas tamquam daemones oenientes. And Celano
makes Francis give this name to money also : muscas nempe denarios oocaoit.
R. 45, 46 (111. 23) Spec. c. 22.
4 R. 11 seqq. (II. 1, 3, 4). Cfr. Greg. M. Dial. II, 4. 16. 30.
5 R. 23 (II, 1): confesaionem iniungit. Respuit die. Cfr. R. 16 (II, 5)
Cassian. Inst. Coen. IV, 37. CV. 74. Cfr. Fior. No. 41, 43. The invitation
to confession (II, I) is perhaps to be connected with the story given by Caesa-
rius. III. 24 ; which, in its turn, is a repetition of a passage of the Life of S.
Jo. Elemos. Migne. LXXIII. 354-5.
6 R. 67 (III. 64) Spec. c. 106. Diversas diversis particulas confitebatur.
Cfr. Caes. III. 22.
7 Greg. M. II. 25.
152 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
him shall comfort the poor victims of temptation: "The
crown is only for them that strive"/ Are words insuf-
ficient P A writing, the ** Eulogia** of the Fathers — even
a modest relic of some Saint — say a finger-nail — work
miracles ! ^
We have removed from Celano's pages the names of
persons and places and all that remainds us that the writing
before us is the Legend of Smnt Francis : and lo ! as by
enchantment, the literary work is transformed into a series
of tags from well-known authors, the Lives of the Fathers,
Gregory the Great, Cassian, Caesarius, and so forth. These
fragments, adapted to the subject, are held together by
Celano's considerations, very much as the the sources of
the Decretum are welded by the sayings of Gratian ; and
they form a sort of dogmatic and ethical commentetfy on
the regulations which the papal authority had already im-
posed for the reception of novices.^
From the Second Life there pass down to the Actus,
and so to the naive Fioretti, to those little figures, sketched
wdth so much grace, of novices, victims of temptation,
preserved by timely aid in the sanctity of the Order. A
prudent reverence to an altar, the example and advice of
1 JR. 67 : Ad coronam tibi perveniet non ad culpam. Cfr. 2 Tim. II, 5 ;
Migne, LXXIII, 903 : Erat enim ibi quidam qui sustinebat tribulationes, et non
habens fiduciam in aliquo cui confiteretur, parabat a sero melotem suam, ut di-
scederet. Cfr. ib. 743-5. Ecce, fili, fideliter intelligis quod hoc spiritale certa-
men per patientiam ad salutem aeternam animae tuae proficiet... Ubi durior est
pugna, ibi gloriosior erit corona etc. Cassian. Conl. II, 13 ; cfr. Migne, 1. c.
876, 878, 881, 884. The same sources are cited by PassaOanti, Specchio
della vera penitenza ; Dist. Ill, 4.
2 II. II ; III, 19 {R. 30, 33). For the eulogia: Migne, I. c. 1169: Ac-
cipe eulogiam patrum. R. 33 : Accip>e tibi catftulam. Hence the famous letter
of the Saint to Bro. Leo : Sabaiier, Speculum, LXXIII-IV.
3 Sbaralea. Bull. Franc. I No. 5 ann. 1220 (Hon. Ill); cfr. No. 2 (Greg.
IX) ann. 122"
J CHAPTER V 153
a venerable ''senior", save those souls from apostatizing.
The tempted ones live and die serenely faithful to Saint
Francis, and the Madonna comforts them at their depar-
tare with the heavenly electuary of her grace. // Maestro
ia Celano has founded a flourishing school; his scholars
paint magnificently ! If the pallet of the ancients is lacking,
a little, in colour, it is ever charged with varied and fresh
inspirations of a most charming kind. ^
A precious gem in the crown of monasticism is chastity,
divine conqueror of the senses. The teaching with a view
to the achievement and preservation of this grace is an
extremely important part of Celano's treatise. Franciscus,
ut autem loqueretur manu, se ipsum exemplar omni prae-
hehat virtutis. ^ There were only two women in the world
that he would have recognised by face. Like the ascetic
who fled from them as though they had been lions, the
Saint felt not fear, but terror for women :^ and he used
1 Act. No. 2 1 ; Fior. No. 20 : The novice is saved by a reverence made
to the altar where the Blessed sacrament is reserved. Cfr. Caea. IX, 4 (I, 175):
Coram altari sancti J. Bapt. transiens. profunde inclinavit ; see also Migne, LXXllI,
905 - Fior. No. 41. The secular garments were kept by the steward during the
novitiate, in case of necessity: Cassian. Inst. Coen. IV, 6, 37 ; CV. 51, 73.
The discourse of Bro. Simon is called lighted coal that kindles, because prea-
chers " carbones ignis vocati sunt, quia... per flammam caritatis accendunt ", Greg,
M. Moral. XXIX in c. 38 Job ; No. 38. The passages in II Vita I. 1 7 {R.
33) and III, 64 {R. 7) occur in Spec. c. 106; Act. No. 35; Fior. No. 31
(Anal. Franc. Ill, 46) and are akin also to Act. No. 50 and Fior. N. 43 (Anal.
Franc. Ill, 423) : But the original source of all the narratives is the episode of
Silvanus exquisitely described in the Life of Pachomius c. 38 {Migne, LXXIII,
255), which begins : " Quidam denique iuvenis, Silvanus nomine, de scena con-
versus ".
The Brother consoled with the " most sweet electuary of Mary " (Actus
No. 68 ; Fior. No. 47) is a surgeon-Brother of vagabond inclinations who by
means of this heavenly food is retained within the cloister. Caes. VII, 47 (II, 67).
2 R. 61 seqq. Ill, 55 seqq.
3 Cassian. Conl. Mon. VII, 26. CV. 205 ; But more knowing is the ab-
bess who says to a fraie half dead in an encounter with the Enemy : " An thou
wert a perfect monk, thou wouldest not regard us with eyes that shew thou
154 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
to teach the enigma of the queen who was gazed upon
with complete satisfaction by the king's servant in a form
which, as it happens, bears a remarkably close resemblance
to the story which runs through the ascetic literature of t!ie
Middle Ages. ^ Even Francis, however, was tempted ly
the " minions (gastaldt) of the Lord '* — that is by demons"
— but not all could vaunt themselves of his signal victories.
If any should suffer from the assaults of the fiend, he had
but to turn to Saint Francis, imploring the aid of his prayers
and of his word of consolation, and the enemy would
straightway raise the siege of his beleaguered heart. ^ But
woe to the prelate whose wary vigilance and just severity
is not matched by the moderating virtues of compassion
and gentleness. In a book which contains the models of
the monastic ideal, the strongest light will be focussed on
the type of General minister. Thomas, aware that the
Saint had not been much of a student, sets him first to
read certeiin phrases of Saint Gregory the Great, and then
puts him in front of the canvas on which is to be sketched
the figure of the greatest prelate of the Order. "*
knowest us full well to be women ". Migne, LXXIII, 872. It is always a
prize for the devil if he conquers a friar: ib. 885.
1 5. "P. Dam. Op. Ill, 381. (Story of Sibilla's eyes). Caes. IV, 62 (I,
231). Cfr. R. 62; III, 56. Spec. c. 86. Later on the Minorites used to
take a good look at the ladies because, for the glory of their Order they used
to arrange marriages. Salimhene, 217.
2 7^. 63, III, 58-61 ; Spec, c 67. Sabatier maintains the erroneous reading
castalli, which means nothing : castaldi and castaldiones are the ministers or
officers of the Commune, or of private persona... or of the Lord. As is well
known the word is an old Lombard one : Bruckner, Spr. d. Langob. 205.
3 R. 64, III, 60 : Migne. LXXIII. 742 No. 8 : " Discipulus cuiusdam etc."
The doctrina of " fleeing from Woman " may be reconstructed from the foUoving
materials : Qreg. M. Dial. IV, 11; Ep. I, 48 ; Moral. XVI, in c. 23 Job,
No. 29 " Oculos ergo inclinare etc. " Jacques de Vitry, Elxempl. No. 2 1 2
p. 220 (Ufe of S. Bernard) etc. Cfr. Acta SS. T. Ill Apr. 237-8 No. 76-7.
(Sayings of S. Aegidius).
4 R. 92-3 (III, 96) ; Spec. c. 80 : Officium plus sibi fore sentiat oneri.
CHAPTER V 155
Cel£uio encountered serious difficulties at certain points
of his work. The life of the man of Assisi, good and
simple like all really great things, failed to offer him ap-
posite examples for the illustration of certain doctrines.
Fortunately erudition came providentially to his rescue. A
novice is terribly tempted with longing for a little supper,
or possibly, for something much less — a bunch of grapes,
for instance. ' The temptation is, at bottom, a disease,
and sick folk, as the vernacular proverb says " are not
moved with a pitchfork, but with a sheet". So the
abbot himself may eat flesh-meat with his poor tempted
brother, and pass a tranquil hour at table with him. '^
Such a pious concession to human frailty involves no
relaxation of rigour ; discipline stands on an adamantine
quam konori ; Greg. M. Moral. XXIV, in c. 34 Job, No. 55 ; Potestas... non
honor sed onus aestimatur ; R. 92 : Homo vitae gravissimae ; Greg. M. Reg.
Past. II, 2 : ex gravitate vitae. R. 93. Non tamen e sup>erflua mansuetudine
torpor nascatur nee ex laxa indulgentia dissolutio disciplinae ; Greg. M. Moral.
XIX in c. 29 Job, No. 30 : Nee in disciplinae vigore benignitatem mansuetu-
dinii, nee rursum in mansuetudine districtionem deserant disciplinae ; Reg. Past.
II, 6 : Miscenda ergo est lenitas eum severitate ele. Moral. XXIV in c. 34
Job, No. 54 : Nee tamen disciplinae vincula eadem lenitate dissolvant ete- Cfr.
Greg. M. Ep. I. 24 ; MG. 35.
R. 93 : Volebat eos afiabiles... ut eorum affeetui non se vererentur eommit-
tere delinquentes ; volebat... tales ete. Desperationis morbus praevaleat infirmos.
Reg. Piist. II, 5 : Tales autem sese qui p.aesunt exhibeant, quibus subiecti oc-
culta quoque sua prodere non erubescant ; II, 10: Cumque increpatio immode-
rate accenditur, eorda deliquentium in desperatione deprimuntur. Cfr. Moral. XX
in c. 29 Job; No. 14. Miscenda est ergo lenitas cum severitate, (aciendumque
quoddam ex utraque temperamentum : ut neque multa asperitate exuleentur subditi.
Deque nimia ben gnitate solvantur. The passages in Gregory which Celano para-
phrases are same which are cited by Gratian, Deer. D. XLIV, 9, 10, 14,
16, Certain rules proposed for observance by the prelate occur also in S. P.
Dam. Op. Ill, opusc. No. 51 ; 151 seqq. ; cfr. Inn. Ill, Ep. I, 311. {Balut.
I, 168).
1 /?. 19 (I, 15, 16). Spec. 27; R. 88 (III, 160). Spec. c. 42.
2 Jacques de "Vitryf, ELxempl. No. 1 4 : Ducens eum ad cellarium cum eo
manducavit. Cfr. R. 68 : In vine2un duxit et sedens cum eo etc. Cfr. Caes.
III, 49 (I, 167). But after a gay banquet with the abbot the frati expiate the
moment of forgetfulness of the Rule. See also X, 8.
156 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
foundation — obedience. * If the novice be ignorant of the
meaning of this supreme duty of the monk, let the abbot
send him to bless first and then to curse bones of the
dead, and then ask him:
"What did those bones say to thee?"
"Nothing: they uttered no sound".
"Well, if thou wouldst abide in the monastery, bear
this mind that thou also must be dead, insensible alike to
curses and to blessings".^
The dialogue above has something tragically sombre about it
Celano's copy is, as a matter of fact, superior to the original.
* Said his companions : " Father, what is supreme and
perfect obedience?" And he, describing the obedient man
by the likeness of a dead body, replied: "Take a corpse,
and place it where thou wilt. It doth not complain of the
spot chosen, nor giveth any sign of the wish to leave it.
Assay to set it in a chair ; it droopeth its eyes. Clothe
it with purple ; the pallor of death standeth out twice as
intensely"'.^ The monk is a dead man: here is the
germ of the similitude"^ which Thomas expresses with a
couple of masterly sweeps of the brush. That body dan-
gling down by sheer wright of inanimate matter from the
chair, which is a symbol of human power, towards the
earth, common sepulchre of proud and humble ; that bold
yet ineffectual sheen of purple that is extinguished by the
juxtaposition of the waxen pallor of death : — these are
1 R. 78 seqq. (III. 88 seqq.). On obedience: Migne. LXXIII, 232, 248.
246, 266, 792, 948 ecc Greg. M. Moral. XXXV, in c. 42 Job, No. 28:
Sola... virtus est obedientia, quae virtutes ceteras menti inserit, insertasque custodit.
2 Jacques de "Ditiy, Exempl. No. 1 1 8.
3 li. 78 (III, 88). Spec. c. 46.
4 Jacques de Vilry, Exempl. No. 117: Monachus ail : Et ego sum mortuus
Cfr. Greg. M. Moral. XVlll in c. 37 Job, No. 89. Praedicator ipse mundi
gloriam quam appeteret, tamquam mortuus non videret.
CHAPTER V 157
extremely effective touches. Whence has Celano borrowed
them? From Frate Pecorella, says Sabatier; for, accor-
<iing to him, the whole ponderous woven work of Thomas'
book, is nothing but the Legenda Antiquissima of Bro.
Leo repaired by the rhetorician's art. It is really mar-
vellous how some ideas have been seriously maintained,
and, because seriously maintained, discussed with an ardent
desire to find them true ! ^
A certain thought has come to me . . . and if to me,
then doubdess to many others. It is this. As long as
we are dealing with common endowments that all frati
possess, or ought to possess, such as Obedience, Chastity,
respect for the Rule, clearly the line taken by Celano in
his work is explicable if not justifiable. But Francis had
a sanctity so original, so much his own, that when the
discourse comes at length to treat the subject of these very
special virtues, one might suppose that truth would suffice,
and Thomas be spared the unnecessary trouble of inven-
tion : especially as falsehood would, in any case have defea-
ted the purpose of the writer. We may hope, then, that
in the Chapters on Poverty, Gladness and Simplicity Celano
will stand aside, and leave us to contemplate the beauteous
figure of the Saint without his own artistic retouchings.
Who could be more poor or more simple than the Man
of Assisi ?
It might be replied that the argument is ruined by a
charming petitio principii. We cannot think anything at
all about the Saunt apart from Celano's suggestions. The
so-called Speculum Perfedionis, which should be a work
of "those who were with him", that is, of the " Com-
^ Even Gotz is very lax in his criticism.
158 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
panions " of Francis, is an evident elaboration of the Se-
cond Life. For us, therefore, it is as though it did not
exist : and so we fall back again into the clutches of the
man of Celano. ' Yet the extraordinary care that he has
devoted to the description of the love of poverty, spiritual
gladness, and frank simplicity, is of itself a proof that these
were the most resplendent gifts — the very soul — of the
Poverello. If the Saint of Umbria had elected to emu-
late some fanatic for chastity and for a repulsive asceticism,
such as San Domenico Loricato is recorded to have been ;
or if he had simply desired to repeat the exploits of the
old monachism of the Middle Ages, we can see that to
present Francis to us in the act of pla)ang the violin, or
in ecstasy before the flowers and the sunshine, would have
been a form of poetic licence fatal to the biographer and
to his legend. No skill of the artist could avciil to trans-
form the type of saint that lived in the popular imagination,
prostrate in his lurid cell, absorbed to dizziness in assiduous
prayer interrupted only by bloody scourgings of the poor
emaciated and ulcerous body, ^ — to transform such an one
into a man like other men, serene, joyous, free from morbid
terrors, sweet as a young girl, with a voice clear and
ringing that conquers and inebriates whose hears it. Nay,
Celano' s efforts are obviously directed in the opposite di-
rection. In the Second Life he sets himself to give to the
1 Sahatier, Spec. p. XLIX. Gotz, 151. The last-named writer doubts
whether the phrase " Nos qui cum b. F. fuimus " is an imitation of St. John
XIX, 35 and XXI, 24. The source is less ancient. Cfr. Hist. Laus. in Mi-
gne, LXXIII, 1 160, 1 156 : Narrarunt nobis qui cum ipso erant... Qui cum eo
coNVERSABANTUR. MigTic, XXI, 38:... Ut viderem eos et intereasem conver-
sationi eorum. — As for the " Legend of the Three Companious ", no account
need be taken of it ; and its close kinship with the " Anonimo Perugino " puts
the latter also out of court. Gbtz, 140, seqq.
2 S. 'P. Dam. Op. II, 235 seqq.
CHAPTER V 159
very singular virtues of Francis a distinctively monastic
character, and to this end he searches and searches again
up and down his library and accumulates the examples
appropriate to a saint like his hero and to a perfect monk
also.
In certain doctrinal points the difficulties confronting our
writer were enormous. Francis had celebrated his mystic
marriage with domina Paupertas, and had remained ever
faithful to her. ' The figure is Celano*s own. After her
chaste husband's death, the austere widow did not, ap-
parently, find herself confortable in the Franciscan Family.
The family, however, were perfectly aware of their obli-
gations to the poor desolate one. As though the Rule
itself were not enough, the so-called "Testament of
Francis provided for all contingencies : and the Lady Po-
verty was secured from any tampering with the provisions
of the Rule by the insidious hand of the glossator. '
" Fratres nihil sibi APPROPRIENT ", said the Rule in its
latest form, "nee domum nee loeum, nee aliquam rem.
Sed, tamquam peregrini et humiliiate Domino famulantes,
Vadant pro eleemosyna confidentur. Nee oportet eos vere-
cundari, quia Dominus pro nobis se feeit pauperem in hoc
mundo*\^ More concise but essentially identical was the
old Statute : " Vivere in obedientia et in castitate et SINE
PROPRIO ". It is proprium, proprieias, that is forbidden to
the fratres. The last Rule, repeating the terms of the old
I R. 43 (III, 16, 18): Dominam meam Paupertatem... Sanctam... sponsam.
Cfr. I Vita 31 : Dominam Paupertatem.
* The Testament of Francis is mentioned by Thomas, (I Vita, 7) and by
the Bull Qfio elongati ; but that does not prove that it is identical with that
which has come down to us: {Gotz, If, 12). And the prohilMtion of glosses
betrays its scholastic origin.
3 c. 6.
160 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
one (or, to speak more correctly of the previous ones)
developed writh greater fulness the obligation of poverty,
but it left unsolved a question of the gravest importance.
Then follovv^ed the "declaratory" Bull of Gregory IX,
Quo Elongati, which, far from removing all controversy,
only inflamed it to a further pitch of violence. '
In 1 230 that Pope, y/ho was preparing to follow the
example of the great Justinian in his collection of the De-
cretals, imposed on the Order the solution of doubts, in
the following manner. In his "Testament" Francis had
forbidden two things : — first, that there should be any gloss
upon the Rule, secondly that any request for special pri-
vileges should be addressed to the Apostolic See. The
point that required a papal gloss was that of the obli-
gation of absolute poverty. Referring to the clause of
the last Rule: " Fratres nihil sihi approprienf\ Gregory IX
observes that the plenary observance of the precept was
thought to be in danger because certain persons asserted
that the Order — in communi — had proprietas in real estates.
It rested with the Pope to provide so as to save the purity
of souls and of the Order.
The papal interpretation is preceded by a Whereas,
clause, which calls for quotation here.
" Whereas in virtue of the long-continued intimacy \yhich
the aforesaid Confessor had with Us, We have a fuller
knowledge of his intention ; and whereas in the formulation
of the aforesaid Rule {in condendo), and in the following
Acts, for the purpose of obtaining Apostolic confirmation
thereof. We rendered him assistance, being at the time in
a position inferior to Our present Dognity; Ye {Fratres)
I Cfr. the Bull of Nicholas 111 in Bull. Franc. III. 404, Liber Sextus. V.
12, 3.
CHAPTER V 161
request of Us a declaration on the points of the said Rule
which remain obscure . . .".
The witness of the Bull is twofold. The Minorites
affirm that the Pope took part in the formation of the
Rule, and the Pope admits it. The request for a "de-
claratory response *' is not addressed merely to the supreme
authority of the Papacy, but further to the man who was,
as it were, depositary of the Saint's intimate thoughts.
Let no one doubt what Gregory IX categorically affirms.
We have had occasion to remind ourselves before, that the
practically illiterate Francis is not the author of the Rules :
he will have furnished the design and the principal outlines
of them : but the final redaction is, throughout, the work
of learned men.
Certainly it is not the Saint who when defining the
duties of poverty, strangely repeats Cassian's words about
monastic institutions : Tanquam peregrinum se gerat et in-
colam istius mundi. ^ Cardinal Ugolino, who had devoted
such a deal of watchful care to the plantatio of Francis,^
did not fail, we may be sure, to set his hand also to the
reconstruction of the Rule ; and sought inspiration for this
work in the locus classicus for ancient ascetic ideals. This
is a most valuable indication, as demonstrating indubitably
that the future Pope saw in the Minorites a wise return
to the most ancient traditions of the cloister. Such a de-
cisive impulse given to the Order in the direction of the
forms, the spirit, and even the necessities of monachism,
could not escape the unlearned but lively and vigorous
1 IV, 14; CV. Cfr. Test. b. Franc. Sicut adoenae el peregrini. So the
Testament, like the Rule, repeats the expression o( Cassian, [derived ultimately,
BO doubt from such passages as Heb. XI, 13; 2 Pet. II, II L. R.l.
2 I Vita, 74; II Vita R. 21.
162 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
mind of Francis. The principles laid down by Jesus Christ
for all nations were, in any case, miserably abridged and
compressed in the narrow terms of a Rule. And it is
only probable that a regretful resignation to inevitable
destiny was the attitude of the " Poverello's " mind when
he set his hand to the last Statute of his family, which
had by that time become too numerous to consist entirely
of worthy members.
The Rule forbids the/ra/res to have property : they are sub-
ject to what we should call a "radical incapacity" for the
acquisition or possession of any kind of goods. So far we
have nothing new. The greatest difficulty arose about the
extension of the same incapacity to the Order itself. In
mentioning the ' fratres ', the Rule made reference to the
individuals, and to the ens constituted by them : and even
without this dry admonition, the Saint's acts and words
left no room for uncertainty as to the extension of the
precept which a very few years of the Order's existence
had already shewn to be incompatible with even the humb-
lest necessities of the Franciscan family. Either way the
existence of the Order was threatened ; for absolute po-
verty meant the end of the institution as an organism, in
the form in which it had become familiar to the world ;
while relative poverty was equivalent to disobedience to
the Founder. Thus, in either case, either the Order died
out, or the Franciscans were no more !
The Dominicans also, before arriving at their final Rule,^
instituerunt possessiones nee habere, ne praedicationis impe-
diretur officium, sollicitudine terrenorum, sed tantum reditus
eis adhuc habere complacuit. ^ The reditus is, so to speak,
1 Item possessiones seu reditus nulla mode recipiantur.
2 SS. Ord. Praed. I, 33. Jord. c. 23 : cfr. ib. c, 38.
CHAPTER V 163
the economic result of a right over that which belongs to
some one else ; refusing this also, the Dominicans had to
be content in the end with another expedient of a formal
nature.
Before we study the answer of Gregory IX, which is
dictated by some jurist who has a thorough grasp of things,
let us cast a glance backwards at the Franciscan band
as it returns from the first interview with Innocent III.
The socii and the Saint, as they move towards Assisi, are
no longer the same who had set forth from the little
Umbrian city. Or perhaps we had better say they were
followed by an invisible, impalpable figure — a "fictitious"
figure, to use the old legal language — stronger than they,
and mistress of their individual wills. This mysterious
figure is that of the *' persona jmidica'\
The Franciscan Order had come into being. A single
word from the Pope had created the spectre, tyrannical,
immortal. The ecstatic companions of Francis might pass
away, one and all, but this figure remained in the reno-
vated family. By the irony of fate an academic conception
ruins the Saint's ideal : yet the juridical idea is but the
outward aspect given to one of the greatest manifestations
of social life that the world has ever seen. As long as
the Companions of Assisi constituted a free Brotherhood,
whose ends coincided with those of the individual's per-
fection, no external power could have imposed on them
rules by which to reach the predetermined goal.
The Society itself demanded no more than a partial
sacrifice of the individual's activity ; and the individual was
not entirely torn away from other social bonds. No com-
mon life, no exterior forms were necessitated by the linking
together of the members, united solely by the common
164 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
religious ideal. But afterwards things changed. Of the
free society whose aim was to interpenetrate the whole
of the great society of mankind, was bom a new being
which had no relation with her mother, who died in bring-
ing her into the world.
There was one Order the more — nothing else. Its vi-
gorous life is revealed in the robust frame, in the functions
and in the needs of the organism. The story of primitive
monasticism repeats itself in the twelfth century. Fleeing
from Christicui society, since they were not satisfied with
such perfection as that society could offer, the ascetics had
asked of the deserts and of their own souls the way to
attain sanctity. The abbot or head of a monastery col-
lecting those anti-social elements within the cloister, on the
model of non-Christian institutions, created a special type
of corporation, viz, the coenobitic life. ^ The ideal of
perfection which this enshrines is no longer that of the
hermits who dwelt in caverns ; nay, the benefit of asso-
ciation makes itself felt even in the pursuit of the supreme
evangelical ideals. Woe to the solitary ! The individual,
if he attempt to govern himself, is lost. ^ Individuals live
in the cloister ; the cloister itself has a life entirely its own.
The monks can remain, as before, entirely faithful to evan-
gelical poverty ; ^ but the monastery, by the mere fact of
its existence, is the necessary negation of poverty. Hence
it is only the individual that is to be poor : the institution
may, for the greater glory of God, become proprietor of
boundless wealth.
I E. Lotting, Geschichte des deutschen Kirchenrechts, I, 332. Harnadi,
Das Monchtum, seine Ideale und seine Geschichte.
' Plerique sunt qui, nisi omnia reliquerint, salvari nequeunt : Greg. M. Ep.
Ill, 31. Hence the necessity of Monasteries.
3 Mignc. LXXIII. 89. 284, 904 etc.
CHAPTER V 165
Scarcely has the Brotherhood of Assisi reached the
threshold of monastic institutions when doubts begin to arise.
A single man may calmly fly in the face of every eco-
nomic principle, and embrace absolute poverty, if he be
so disposed : nay, he may even die of abstinence. ^ But
for an institution this is not possible. To maintain its exi-
stence it must possess a minimum of goods, be it but the
merest scrap of that hated " property '*. Legally the actual
word may be avoided: one may say "use", "usufruct"
" precario" . But these distinctions count for less than
nothing in the language of economics, and do not alter
the nature of the facts. In strict logic the "proprietor",
if he would live, must needs beg alms of the '* usufruc-
tuary"; the latter, who has no proprietary rights, is much
better off than the former, who is the real owner of all.
Such are the subtleties which were employed in the attempt
to reconcile poverty with riches !
And did Francis understand that Poverty would not be
welcomed in the Order as she had been received in his
own heart ? It would appear from the words of Gre-
gory IX that the saint had felt some doubt. Assuredly
if the evangelical precept were to be observed without a
gloss of any kind, there was only one remedy, and that
a somewhat radical one : — the dissolution of the Order !
But the strange solution of the problem does but serve to
shew that Francis in spreading abroad with Nazarene gen-
tleness this love of poverty, had no thought of founding
an Order. Neither he nor his first companions were fitted
I Reuter. Gesch. der religiose Aufklarung im Mittelalter, 1875-7. II, 183
seqq. But the obligation to labour must not be forgotten. R. 81-2. Contra
otiam; cfr. Caaaian, Inst. Coenob. II, 2; CV. 19.
166 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
to lay its foundations. ^ All the great founders of Rules,
as we shall shortly see, desired to have the monk poor
and indeed incapable of rights, in order to remove from
him the inconvenience of temptation. Yet none the less
did the brethren surmount the passes of the Alps in order
to obtain from the Emperor the confirmation of those pri-
vileges thanks to which their monasteries acquired and kept
dominions of monstrous extent : and not a few of them
busied themselves in making money. '^ In the final resort,
the true "proprietor" was always God, or the patron
Saint. 3
Now for Pope Gregory's interpretation of the Rule.
"Neither the individual Brethren", he says "nor the Order
{nzc in communi, nee in speciali) may have property, but
1 Venerius when asked by St. Romuald to what Order he belonged, replied
that being free from every subjection, he wished to follow " quod sibi utilius vi-
deretur": S. P. Dam. II, 215 (c. 24 Vit. Rom.). Just also is the judgement
of a certain cardinal on the Minorites : autonomi : Isti sunt sicut aces, non
hahentes nidos : Acta SS. T. Ill Apr. 222. On vagabond monks {gyrovagt) :
Deer. Grat. C. XVI, I, 1 7 and Rufini, Summa (ed. Scbulle) 3 1 3-4 : Sara-
bastae id est azephali et gyrovagi... apud Deum et ecclesiam abominabiles sunt.
This is the danger of " free " monks.
2 S. P. Dam. Ep. VI, 32 (Op. I, 115): Non parvis ad Teutonum partes
Imperator expetitur ; pragmaticae sanctiones cum singulis (signis ?) imperialibus
advehuntur. (The reading " singulis " gives no sense).
3 For the juridical condition of the monasteries in the Roman period and
those that followed, the reader should consult Gierke, Deutsche Genossenschafts-
recht. III, 1 1 9 seqq. and the abundant literature cited there ; the following works
may also be added : Ruffini, (in the " Studi offerti a F. Schupfer ") Storia del
diritto italiano, 326 ; Bmgi, Istituzioni di diritto privato giustinianeo I, 112; and
the recent work of Knecbt, System des Justinianischen Kirchenvermogensrechts,
56 seqq, (in the " Kirchenrechtliche Abhandlungen " edited by Siutz, XXII
Heft, Stuttgart 1905). The Cod. Theod. (V, 3, unica) assures to the mona
stery the right of succession to the property of the religiosus who dies without
heirs and intestate, after the model of other corporate institutions (Elcclesia, vexil-
latio, etc.) ; a fact which would seem to exclude Knecht's doubt as to whether
the monastery can, in ancient times, have been assimilated to the pia c&usa.
The monastery, as a juridical person, is responsible for the obligations of the in-
dividual monk: cfr. Greg. M. Ep. III. 61 ; MG. Reg. 220 ; Justin. Nov. V. 4.
CHAPTER V 167
they may have the use of the utensils and of those articles
of furniture which it is lawful for them to have, and may
use them according to the regulations that shall be laid
down by the Minister general and the Ministers provincial,
salvo locorum et domorum dominio illis ad quos noscitur
pertinere ". The last touch, which is the most importamt,
has need of a little gloss itself. And it is curious to note
that the jurist who edited the Bull apparently meant in
this cdry formula to skip lightly over the question of real
property. The Bull expladns that any relation subsisting
between real property and the Minorites (whether the
entire Order, or single members) cannot have juridical
effects of a kind to modify the legal relation which exists
between a thing and its legitimate proprietor. Since the
Minorites are forbidden to have property, not even a
century of possession would give them the ownership of
a house ; any donation of realty to them would be null
and void, and so on. They can have everything except
proprietorship-^use, usufruct, tenancy. The Bull treats the
Minorites in a way almost exactly parelleled by our mo-
dern laws for the suppression of religious corporations ;
when we have an excellent legitimate proprietor who will
content himself with his high-sounding title and leave the
humble enjoyment of the actuality to a monastery that is
incapable of possessing — then Poverty under an alien roof
finds not the least token of proprietas. Juridical science,
starting from the idea of proprium banned by the Rule, had
solved the controversy. The faithful laity, or the Church,
could be proprietors, for the sole purpose of not depriving
the Franciscans of the use of realty and personalty of which
the Order had need.
Celano in his treatise De Paupertate shewed a perfect
168 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
understanding of the Bull ; but the later compilers of the
so-called Speculum Perfectionis when they cite examples
from it, or comment upon it, obviously either fail to un-
derstand, or are unwilling to take in the spirit of it. '
In such difficulties Celano lays aside the rhetorician's
art to take up that of the glossator. Nolebat {Frandscus)^
he writes, paraphrasing the words of the Bull, locellum
aliquam fratres inhabitare, nisi certus ad quern proprietas
pertineret constaret patronus : he was unwilling that the
Brethren should inhabit any place, however modest, without
the certainty that the property in question had an owner.
So (we must suppose) the Saint read in the Bull... that
was written four years, all but six days, after his death!
Even on his death-bed he would accept only the *'com-
modato " of a pair of breeches, lest he should be conta-
minated by ownership. ^
To hear a thing spoken of as "his", pained him ex-
cessively. One day, says Celano, a Brother " in heremo
Sartiani " when asked whence he came answered : ** I
come from the cell of Bro. Francis. " Francis overheard
it, and brusquely exclaimed : " Because thou hast given
my name to the cell, making me the proprietor of it (ap-
proprians earn mihi), I will never set foot in it again.
Let him dwell in it who will, not I. " ^ Grave was the
fault of that Brother. Cassian teaches: " Ne verbo qui-
dem audeat quis dicere aliquid SUUM ; magnum sit crimen
» R. II, 2 seqq. Spec. c. 5 seqq.
2 R. 117 ; III, 139. But Celano has failed to observe that the proprietas
of the breeches is but passed on to the man who lent them — himself also a Mi'
Dorite. Here we observe the inconvenience of too much zeal I Cfr. It- 51.
Ill, 36. Spec. c. 35. Where the 'loan* (mutuo) of a mantle is spoken of:
a word that shews how shaky Celano is in his Law.
3 R 37 II. 5 ; Spec. c. 9.
CHAPTER V 169
ex ore monachi procedisse : CODICEM MEUM, TABULAS
MEAS . . ." ' We must not, however, fail to observe that
what is condemned is not common ownership, but personal
proprietorship by the individual monk. Malediction on him
who when entering the monastery reserved for himself even
the least trifle ad proprium ! ^ Terrible is the rite where-
with is pursued even the dead corpse of the Brother who
lived guarding a little hoard from which death alone could
part him ! ^ All must be "in common ". Whoso filches
the things that belong to all, shall be cast in sterquilinio,
and the imprecations of his Brethren shall be his well-earned
obsequies. The writer who adduces the cruel ceremony
as an "example", is the same who gave liberally to mo-
nasteries and, when Pope, defended their property most
energetically. It is not possible, them, that a clever man
like Thomas of Celano should have fmled to distinguish
between common and personal ownership : if he deftly
confounded the two, he had his reasons for doing so. An
indication on this matter may be found in his narrative.
"God", he makes Saint Francis say, "lived for forty
days in a cave ; sequi eum possumus in forma praescripta
nihil proprietatis habendo, licet praeter mum domorum
1 Caisian. Inst, coenob. IV, 13; CV. 55. Reg. Basil, c. 4. 5. 29. in
Holstenius. Codex Reg. mon. 1759, I, 67 seqq. Cfr. Vetus Disciplina mona-
stica ed. Parisii 1726, 177; Bern. Ord. Clun. c. 1 9 : Nihil appellat singulariter
3uum, sed ad omnia dicit nostrum, nisi de patre et matre et de peccato.
2 Cassian. Inst. Coenob. VII, 7 and 9 ; CV. 133 and 143; cfr. Migne.
LXXIII, 899 : De eo quod monachus nihil debet possidere. Cassian. CoiJ.
Mon. V, 8; cfr. IV, 20; CV. 128-9; 117; cfr. Knecbt. Op. c. 60.
3 Greg. M. Dial. IV, 55. Inn. III. Ep. V. 82 ; Hareau, Op. c. 253,
cites the same fact from an instance given by Jacques de 'Oitry (Bibl. nat. Piur.
Mas. lat. No. 1 7509 f . 43 v.), which I have not found in the collection of
Crane ; No. 1 77 (p. 75) refers to the burial of an usurer, not of a frate
" proprietario ".
170 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
vivere non possimus".^ It would seem that usus here
takes the place of proprietas to demonstrate the poverty
of the Order : and that in deference to the Bull.
That which follows in the Treatise, where the much-
celebrated poverty of the wooden booths is treated of,
and the scientific and domestic furniture, makes quite clear
the embarrassment of the biographer/ Who was the ovmer
of those things of which the use was permitted to the
Minorites ? And did not the stem monastic fortress which
rose in Assisi at the foot of the olives, where the Saint
had laid his frsdl body, supply an impressive confutation
of all the empty formulas ? ^ Celano, following in the steps
of the Bull, attempted, though without success, to allay
discords and tempests ; but none knew better than he the
uselessness of such an effort. He himself, in common with
the entire Order, was struggling with the extraordinary
difficulties of the problem which confronted those who
would fain be with the Rule and with the Pope, with
the ideal and the actual at the sjime time. And perhaps
he scarcely hoped that juridical distinctions could have
saved the whiteness of the most pure spouse of Francis.
As a melancholy synthesis of his thought Celano finally
calls up again the vision of the famous statue of Daniel : *
I R. 37. Ill, 5. (The text, corrupt in Rosedale's edition is corrected in that
of P. Alenfon p. 216).
* R. 36 seqq. Ill, I seqq. Spec. c. 5 seqq. Wooden huts were even
better than the arundineae ruslicorum tegetes (S. P. Dam. Ep. I, 15 ; Op. I,
3 V. Aegidii, Acta SS. Ill Apr. 237. Gazing at the sumptuous buildings
of Assisi Aegidius (or whoever speaks in his name) exclaims : " Now all that
is wanting is... wives for the frati I " The vow of Poverty had been dispensed ;
that of chastity would doubtless come next.
4 R. 47. III. 26. Daniel. II, 31 seqq. Cfr. Joacb. in Jerem. 314.
CHAPTER V 171
material ancient enough in all conscience, but adapted to
the critical occasion. '
Thus we can see how the ** Second Life " if it did
nothing else, prepared the most inflammable material for
the blaze of the *' Speculum^'.
A multitude of sayings and narratives, always on the
subject of poverty, of love of the poor, and of exsecration
of money — such is the average compendium of Celano's
literary thefts. For him certainly, property did, and did
not exist. Let us give an example or two. The wish
for wooden cells, lightly constructed after the fashion of
booths is an inspiration drawn by Celano from the ancient
monastic precept : neque mittas fundamentum, ut aedifices
tibi cellam aliquando.^ Agathon abandoned his cell as
soon as he had the unpleasant surprise of seeing in it
quaedam non utilia ; and Saint Francis hates to have in
the cells utensils multa et exquisita.^ If a Brother gives
himself the luxury of a pillow, he is placing under his
head a nest of diabolical spirits. As a matter of fact the
Minorites were not like the rest who, in a house that was
their own, possessed no such things as pillows ; on the
contrary, when they had entered the cloister they could
1 Spec. c. 2 cfr. p. 11. The unica tunica (R. 42, III, 1 5) (if I may so
say) the new symbol of the sect of the " Apostoli ", who however are obliged
occasionally to stay in bed while the one garment is being dried after the wash I
Salimbene, 121 ; EbrU, in Arch, fur Litt. und Kirchengesdi. des Mittelalt. 1886;
II, 131. On the sumptuous buildings see Vita Aegidii, in Acta SS. T. Ill
Apr. 237 : on Poverty : Ubertini de Casali, Arbor vitae crucifixae ; ed. Venetiis
1485. Lib. V, 1. (no page-numeration). Compare for the clothes and hoaen
of monks, Cassian. Inst. Coenob. I, 2, 7, 9 ; CV. 6-14.
2 Migne. LXXIII, 906.
3 Migne. LXXIII, 888-9. R. 38; HI, 6. I Vita 51 : Nee vasculum in
domo aliquod residere.
172 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
not close their eyes if the accustomed soft support for the
night were lacking. ^
Meagre was the fare of Francis, affording an example
of abstinence. ^ If in his very observance of the Gospel
he was induced occasionally to eat fowls' flesh, his fol-
lowers were not to imitate him with too great assurance.
In Alessandria a certain knave found Francis with that
luxurious dish in front of him, and played him a scurvy
trick with regard to it. He waited till the following day
when Francis was preaching, and while the people were
hanging upon his lips he proceeded to brandish a large
piece of capon, crying out : " Behold the preacher of non-
sense ! A fine Saint in sooth ! Yesterday he ate of
this!" And he displayed his capon... Capon? But
every one beheld — a fish ! The pious fraud of a miracle
had saved the reputation of the man of Assisi. ^ These
are Bro. Galdino's wares.
But we can guess whence Thomas drew his unfortunate
inspiration. Fish did not always take the place of flesh
on the saints' tables in a miraculous way. Hence Cae-
sarius of Heisterbach records how certain abbots kept
their faith to the Rule that forbade the eating of flesh.
If fish was not forth coning they were fain to put flesh
on the table artistically served up in the form of fish.*
Friars have never been wanting in cleverness; and Celano
drew from the example of those abbots his picture of the
unsavoury hypocrite of the miracle of Alessandria.
1 R. 39. Ill, 10. Spec. c. 98. Cfr. Bull. ed. Taur. III. No. 17. a».
1198; 134-5 Jacques de Vitr\). Exempla No. 84. Cfr. 1 Vita 52: Sedens,
nee eJiter se dep>onens donnitabat, pro cervicali, ligno vel lapide uten*.
2 R 38; III, 7. Spec. c. 20.
3 R 46; III. 24.
4 Greg. M. Dial. I. 1. Cats. V. 3 (I, 343).
CHAPTER V 173
The Rule of the Minorites forbade the handling of
money. A hesitating Brother was tempted by a purse
which lay by the road side, swollen with coins ; but a
horrible serpent issuing from the purse saved the soul of
the monk and the observance of the precept. ' It must
be left to the savant to consider how Thomas came to
be familiar with an Indian story which, according to the
learned researches of Alessandro d'Ancona, is one of the
sources of the Novellino. ^
Further parallels might be adduced ad nauseam ; but
we would not abuse the patience of any who may chance
to read these pages. We will only add that Saint Fran-
cis — and an Egyptian monk a little before him — sell the
New Testament and give the price to the poor : obedient
to the precept which the Book contains ; ^ the Saint of
Assisi — and a canon of Cologne — draw off their breeches
as soon as a poor wretch asks for them. "* All will re-
1 R. 41-2; III, 14.
2 A. D'Ancona, Studi di cridca e storia letteraria, !880; 337. Novellino
No. 83. Budda, travelling with a companion discovered a heap of gold and
precious stones. " Behold '*, he cried, a venomous serpent I " [Avadanas trad.
Julien I, 60]. The hesitation of a frate confronted by a half penny — should he,
or should he not pick it up ? — is described in Migne, LXXllI, 790.
3 R. 51 ; 111, 35. Spec. c. 38. Da matri nostrae novum testamenlum.
ut vendat illud pro sua necessitate, quia per ipsum monemur subvenire paupe-
ribus. Cfr. Migne, 1. c. 772-3. The story passes into the Life of Joannes
EJeemosinarius, ib. 359 ; then into Jacques de Vilry, No. 98. Crane (1 76),
incorrectly cites this Life as primary source of the Exemplum of de Vitry. The
original (?) attribution of the deed is to Serapion and shews whither absolute doc-
trines logically lead. The Gospel destroys the Gospel. The old story smacks
of the subtle Hellenic genius.
4 /^. 51 ; 111, 34. Nonnumquam etiam ob simile opus femoralia traxit.
Spec. c. 34. The narrative of Thomas of Eccleston, MG. SS. XXVllI, 561,
records only the gift of a tunic belonging to the Saint (i. e, as a relic) : he has
nothing to do with the Seiint's charity ; {Sabatier ib. 65). Caes. VI, 5 {Strange
I. 346-7) : Quidam dixerunt nunquam se legisse de aliquo homine, quae tantae
fuerit circa pauperes compassionis (R. 48 De compassione s. F. ad pauperes)...
Juxta ecclesiam B. M. — quia vestem aliam exuere non potuit, aspiciente paupere.
174 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
member a charming scene described by our biographer
who, when he likes, is a perfect master of his art. Hard
by the dear Porziuncola " a Brother " returning from his
round of collecting alms, raises his voice in resounding
praises to the Lord. " Blessed be thou, my brother ! "
exclaims Saint Francis. The Lives of the Fathers trans-
port us to Oxyrrhyncus, the city of the papyri and of
the poor. A beggar who is waiting for alms, half naked,
his teeth chattering in the cold night air, — he too gives
thanks so the merciful God : " Thanks to Thee, Lord !
1 am free, while so many rich folk pine in fetters ; I am
like an emperor, 1 go where I list ! '* ^ He is the type
of the happy poor, as was Francis himself, and as the
Saint wished all his spiritual sons to be. Inexhaustible is
the Franciscan piety ! Francis even imitates Moses, making
a spring of water burst from the rock to refresh the thirst-
ing poor ; and the narrative itself, to tell the truth, flows
in most limpid stream from the Gregorian Dialogues ; while
Saint Bonaventure opens the magic book once more to
complete a phrase which his predecessor in the plagiarist's
work had left half finished ! ^
femoralia sua solvit, et cadere dimisit. — When he returned home the good Ens-
frid kept hold on his mantle to conceal the lack of breeches, and one of his
relatives remarked : " Satis puto quod non habeatis braccas ". Tale aliquid non
legitur in actis s. Martini, plus fail braccas dare, quam pallium dividere. This
is the reeison why the legendary " socii " go about in public with so little on.
The comment of Caesarius (plus fuit etc.) was repeated by Celano. Another
example of giving away one's own clothes is given in Greg. M. Dial. 1, 9.
1 /?. 45 : 111, 22. Migne, LXXIII, 904 : datia tibi, Domine ; quanti sunt
modo divites in custodia, qui etiam in ferro sedent, aut pedes habent in ligno
constrictos I... Ego autem, velut imperator sum, extendens pedes meos, et ubi volo
ambulo ! — The compilers of the " Speculum " say pauper spiritualis ; and accor-
ding to Sabatier, Thomas, copying from Bro. Leo, would have feuled to realise
that it was not a question of a frate but of a poor man : forgetting that the
instance comes under the heading De petenda beleemosyna.
2 R, 30-1 (II, 15): Stupenda Dei dignatio; e Greg. Dial. II, 8: Mira..,
CHAPTER V 175
Poverty and knowledge : — how were they reconcilable
in days where it was absolutely necessary for the student
to possess his little hoard of books ? Certainly if there
had been public libraries they would have relieved the
Minorites of one cause of disquietude ! Saint Francis, who
is consistently described by his biographer as perfectly il-
literate, ' would only tolerate a few books : "" those, we
must understand, which were absolutely necessary, to the
exclusion of such luxuries as those beautifully written and
illuminated manuscripts which were the traditional delight
of the learned monk. ^ What is it, after all, that books
teach ? and what is wishom ? It is the eye of love that
penetrates and illumines the darkness of ignorance, writes
Gregory the Great. Love soars up beyond where intel-
lect can pass. Beautiful words, which Celano places side
by side with kindred conceits found elsewhere ; '^ which
et stupenda. 5. Bonav. Acta SS. T. II Oct. 647; n. 101 -I and Dial, cit
II, 8. Nam in aqua ex petra producta Moysen, in ferro... Elisaeum ; and S. Bo-
naventura : In eductione aquae de petra conformis extitit Moysi, sic in multipli-
catione victualium Elisaeo. The miracle is old and frequent : Migne, LXXIII,
941.
1 This does not however hinder the Saint from repeating what Gregory (Mo-
ral. VIII, in c. 8 Job, No. 72) gives to orators on sacred subjects (III, 99-100)
Spec. c. 73. It is the old Horatian precept. Mens igne divini amoris non calei...
Inflammare auditores nequeunt verba quae frigida corde proferuniur (Greg.).
And Celano: Debet... priur intus calescere, quam iom frigida verba proferre.
Cfr. Inn. Ill, Op. 61 : Ardeat igitur ignis in corde, ut lingua congrue sonet in
corde.
2 R. 38 (III 8).
3 S. P. Dam. Op. Ill, 392. Cfr. Uus Gembl. aeccl. in Abbandl. der
k. Akad. d. Wiss. Berlin 1893; 123-4. Salimhene. Chr. 186.
4 R. 56 (III, 45) ; Ubi magistralis scientia foris est, affectus introibat amantia.
E prima: penetrabat... mysteriorum abscondita. Gieg. M. Moral. IV in c. 3
Job : quae... veritatis intelligentia cum per cordis humilitatem quaeritur, legendi
assiduitate penetratur ; ib. in c. 5 Job; No. 12: Amor ad meditandum pertrahit,
tensus hebetudo contradicit. Migne, LXXIII, 908 : Magis de puritate mentis
orovide securitatem edicendi sermonem. Cfr. R. 97-8 : Praeodorabat etiam tem-
?ora... in quibus occasionem ruinae fore scientiam. Spec. c. 68. On the other
176 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
the amplifiers of Sabatier's " Speculum **, more angry still
at the invasion of knowledge, reinforce with original rea-
ding fron the "Lives of the Fathers"/
The Lord is so lavish of his gifts to the Saint that
Francis explains the difficult passages of Scripture as well
as — or even better than — a professional theologian. Any
one who had questioned him as to the hidden meaning
of an obscure passage, would doubtless have repeated the
words of Sulpicius Severus ^ in praise of the natural wisdom
of that Martin who had certainly been more conversant
with battle-fields than with books : " Never have I heard
issue from the mouth of man so much knowledge and so
much eloquence ! " Perhaps this was the reason why the
humble ignoramus could stand fearless before the "holy
athlete" of the Christian faith. Saint Dominic, who had
devoted so many years of his youth to his first love, the
study of theology. Cardinal Ugolino, wishing to put new
life into the Holy Orders and purify them by the intro-
hand sapientia nutritur studio litterarum : Bull, Franc. I, No. 42 (Greg. IX
an. 1229).
A sulky attitude towards science and literature is characteristic of the old
monasticism from St. Jerome onwards. Cfr. Vita S. Rom. MG. SS. Merov.
Ill, 138.
1 Spec. c. 8 corresponds to R. 38 (III, 8). The compilers of the pseudo-
Speculum repeat the answer of Macarius to Theodore ; Habeo tres codices et
proficio ex lectione eonim. Sed et fratres petunt eos ad legendum, et ipsi pro-
ficiunt. Die... mihi : Quid debeo facere ? Answer : Boni sunt quidam actus,
sed melius omnibus est nihil possidere : Migne, 1. c. 889 ; 890. Observing
the books of a monk Serapion says : Tulisti ea quae erant viduarum et orpha-
norum et posuisti in fenatra. Viderat enim earn codicibus plena ; cfr. 929 :
replesti fenestras de chartis. R. 98 : libri ad nihilum utiles in fenestris proician-
tur, says Celano ; but then, by adding in latebris, he seems to shew that he has
not rightly understood his authority.
2 Vita S. Martini c. 75. CV. 135. Cfr. Migne. LXXIII, 915: Crede
mihi multos codices legi et talem eruditionem numquam inveni ; answer of a novice
to the sentence of Evagrius which may be compared with the words : Theologia viri
huius... est aquila volans {R. 57. Ill, 47). Cassian, also (Inst. Coenob. V.
23. [V. 106-7]), says that profound knowledge comes irom sola puritas cordis.
CHAPTER V 177
duction of the monastic element, asks of the two Saints :
" Why may we not make your frati bishop and priests ?
Was it not so in the primitive Church, when the pastors
were poor men, free from avarice and full of charity?
Francis' reply did not hinder the other Saint from saying
to him : "I would that thy Religion and mine formed a
single institution and our manner of life in the Church were
the same". Are we to reject as mere legend the meeting
of the two Patriarchs, ^ or to accept as true Celano's nar-
rative, granting to the fact that Saint Dominic was in
Rome in 1218 the dignity of an historical proof ? ^ Sa-
batier, not content v^th the conversation between the heads
of the two Orders in Rome, prolongs the interview to
the y^ of June, 1218, in the general chapter of the Por-
ziuncola ; regardless of the fact that our information is
derived from Bartolomeo da Pisa. Bartolomeo in his Con-
formitates has naturally selected the " capitolo delle stuoie ",'^
with its five thonseind Brethren, the most miraculous scene
of all,^ the most solemn parliament of the Franciscan world,
to form a frame for the grandest figures of his picture.
But there is one unfortunate circumstance. The chapter
in question met, says Jordanus with great exactness a. d.
122 J decimo Kal. Junii, indictione 14'^, sancto die pen-
1 R. 76 (III, 86,87). Spec. c. 43.
2 Hase, Op. c. 71-2.
3 Sabatier, Vie 244 ; 247 seqq.
4 Voigt, 1. c. 490 seqq. Bart. Liber. G)nfonn. I fructus 10; cfr. 11 fruc-
tu» 12 (ed. Bononiae 1590; 139, V. 269).
5 S. Sonavenlura (Acta SS. Oct. II, 639 No. 52) i« perhaps the first to
relate that the Dioine clemency; catered for the vast assembly. How this was
done Bartolomeo o( Pisa tells us, repeating the miracle of S. Fronto {Migne,
LXXIU, 438) ; cfr. Actus No. 20 ; Fior. No. 18. The camels of the Orient are
transformed into the horses and mules of the gentry of Assisi and Perugia ; and
Francis* sermon is not very different from the oration of the old hermit who exhorts
the Brethren to trust in Providence that never abandous those who seek Him.
178 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
thecostes, and the same writer leaves no room for doubt
as to the identity of this chapter, by his mention of the
great fratrum multitudo. ' Another sure countersign is
furnished by the record of the theme of Saint Francis'
sermon on that occasion, though the sermon itself would
seem, according to Jordanus' version, to have been some
what less elevated than Celano would make out. ""
Turning now to the "Second life" we find that the
narrative of the charming scene between the two Saints^
is given under the heading de Humilitate. ^ Humility —
Gregory the Great and Thomas are agreed — is the guardian
and the glory of all virtues. There cannot be too many
exsunples of it. Thomas advances deliberately, step by
step, and groups together designs and ideas. When the
Franciscan family has increased, Francis 3delds the govern-
ment of it to the jurist Pietro Cattani, ^ amid the sighs of
the Brethren ; he gives them the example of humility in
submitting himself devoutly to the vicar whom he himself
has chosen. A little discourse was obviously in point
here. Saint Francis commends to the Lord his beloved
family, as Pachomius had commended his, ^ and gives se-
1 c. 16; 'Ooigt, 1. c. 523: The Speculum, c. 68 makes no mention of
St. Dominic in its description of the chapter " </e storeis".
2 Jord. 1. c. Benedictus Dominus meus qui... And Celano, R. 96: Vo-
luptas brevis, poena perpetua etc. But probably the sermon does not really
belong to the " capitolo dalle stuoie " ; Bartolomeo adopted it because it fitted
in nicely, and because of its solemn tone, suited to a vast reunion of frali. For
a comparison of the preaching of Christ with that of Francis, see Conform, cit.
II, 12 [264].
3 R. 77. Discedentibus autem inde, rogavit b. Dominicus s. Franciscum ut
sibi cordam, qua cingebetur, dignaretur concedere. Lentus ad hoc s. Franciscus
laudem humilitate renuens etc. Learning bows dovn before simplicity.
4 R. 73.
5 Sabatier. Spec. 70-1 note 2. Jord. c. 1 ; "Ooigt, 1. c. 520. R. 74;
(111, 81): Spec. c. 39.
^ R. 74 cit. Domine, tibi recommendo familiam, quam mihi hactenus com-
CHAPTER V 179
vere admonitions also to the Ministers. Such counsels were
called for because the Minorites, while issuing victorious
out of many trials did not always resist the tempting offer
of prelacies within the Order, or of ecclesiastical dignities.
In vain the Saint cried, and cried again: "We are de-
signed to help the ecclesiastics, for the saving of souls : let
us work in harmony with them ! " ' Whatever Domini-
cans may have thought, Francis' spirit did not welcome
even the suggestion of Cardinal Ugolino to imitate the
** primitive custom " — and, we may add the oriental tra-
dition — of drawing ecclesiastical prelates from the Religious
Orders. Thomas of Celano represents and defends these
ideas of the Founder : ideas which, in the inevitable reac-
tion that so constantly recurs in the history of monasticism,
were vigorously contested by the tendencies of the Order
after the Patriarch's death. "" The Minorites should remain
misisti ; cfr. Migne, LXXIII, 263 : Memento, Domine, studiorum meorum...
memento famulonim tuorum, qui tibi tota mente deserviunt. See also Fior. No.
13 and Actus No. 13 § 27, where is announced the promise of St. Peter and
St. Paul substantially identical with that wherewith Jesus comforts Pachomius.
Animaequior esto, et confortetur cor tuum, quia posteritas tua manebit in saecu-
lum, nee usque in fine mundi deficiet etc.
^ R. 75 ; III, 84. Subjection to prelates is forcibly expressed by Greg. M.
In primum Regum V, 3 No. 42. Magna enim munera etc. and Thomas :
Elstote subiecti praelatis, etc.
^ S. Bern. Op. II, 384 : Haec dicta sunt contra... tentationem, quae saef>e
viri reli^osi episcoporum... ambire gloriam... diabolicis instigationibus incitantur.
An old story 1 Martene et Durand, V, 1 626 : In Vila patrurn, inveniuntur
capitula de fugiendo clericatu, nullum invenitur de appetendo clericatu. Cfr. Vita
S. Rom. in Acta SS. T. Ill Febr. 742 : Cum ad ofiicium clericatus rabida am-
bitione pervenerint, confestim cothumo elationis inflati, non solum contra coaevos
digniores, verum etiam supra vetulos ac seniores... juvenculi efferuntur, et nee
primis saltem simplicibus elementis imbuti, nituntur cathedris, vel sacerdotio prae-
sidere, qui adhuc pro elatione ac levitate iuvenili, virgis indigent coerceri. The
Middle Ages had sought a middle course between secular priesthood and mo-
nasticism, imposing a community- life upon the clergy in cities. The canons were
to be fnfer duas conversaiionis species, media via : Fantuzzi, Mon. Rav. VI,
No. 15; an. 1042.
180 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
Minorites and nothing more. And if the Dominicans were
less rigid, this was no good reason why the Franciscans
should nourish, towards the spiritual sons of Saint Dominic,
feelings of rancour and hatred unworthy of the two Pa-
triarchs. Hence arose the need of a vigorous appeal to
the sentiments of concord and humility expressed in and
wonderfully suggestive scene. For this reason I have strong
suspicions that the conversation between the two Saints is
purely imaginary. And my fears are enhanced by the
form of Saint Dominic's aspiration: " Vellem, f rater Fran-
cisce, unam fieri religionem tuam et meam, et in Ecclesia
pari forma nos vivere". It resembles too closely that of
Saint Bernard : ** Omnes ergo concurramus pariter in unam
tunicam, et ex omnibus constet una*\^ for us to believe
that it really issued from the lips of that great theologian.
It is probable that Dominic really judged Francis and the
Franciscans, much as did that other learned man Innocent III,
though he may not have expressed his judgement quite so
harshly. Students, especially in the Middle Ages, lived
in a world where the impression produced by spontaneous
popular movements reached them in a diminished and at-
tenuated form, by reason of the great altitude from which
they observed — or thought they observed — such phenomena.
The religious sentiment free from the tentacles of the theo-
logical syllogism, in the hands of a poor Umbrian preacher,
was either a flame of heresy, or a simple, ingenuous hymn
inspired by the eternal poetry of the people.
As for the example of humility given by the Saint, it will suffice to adduce
Sampson, who renounces the prelacy of the Abbey because he desires aedere ad
pedes Domini cum Maria, and vacate contemplationi : Ann. Camald. IV, 375;
No. 223, an. 121 7. There is no need to mention the other example of Ce-
lestine V.
1 Op. II, 546 : Apol. ad G. abb. c. 4.
CHAPTER VI
SAINT FRANCIS AND THE "SPECULUM"
OF THOMAS
ILDEBRANDO Delia Giovanna, in one of the very few
really scientific monographs on Franciscan subjects that
have appeared so far, gives us a study of Saint Francis
as *' giullare di Dio" marked at once by graceful erudi-
tion and by penetration of thought. And the figure that
he calls up, is one resembling that bizarre chanter of po-
pular praises Benedetto da Corneto, as described by another
bizarre but congenial friar, Salimbene of Parma. ^ And
even if the examination of the Second Life, and of that
* Speculum ' which we will continue to call * Sabatier's '
— in order to distinguish it from the true Speculum of the
Second Life — leads us necessarily to reduce to more modest
proportions Celano's eulogistic picture of the Saint's sim-
plicity and spiritual gladness, I have no doubt that Delia
Giovanna' s sketch is true to the life.
As we have already repeated too often, everything has
its limits — even the fury of plagiarism, the love of Art
and of the Order ! The apparition of the Poverello had
shaken great and small alike ; in him were gathered up,
in a sense both the living sparks of heretical rebellion, and
the vague aspirations of a faith incapable of resigning itself
I Giornale star, della Lett, italiana, XXV, 1 seqq. 14-15. Salimbene,
Chr. 32-4.
182 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
to languish in the cold atmosphere of catholic dogmatism:
all the supreme ideals, in fact, of a people that was qui-
vering with youth and passion.
The chair — that is, aristocratic thought — creates the theo-
logian : creates one who will end by deriding evangelic
simplicity, the humble consciousness of an Aequitius and
a Francis. When our Saint, abandoning the ways of ordi-
nary life to lift himself to a loftier plane, and giving utter-
ance to sentiments universally felt, in the magnificent
simplicity of his plebeian tongue, succeeds — to use Celano's
phrase — in " transforming thousands and thousands of liste-
ners into one single person " ; ' he attains to a genuine
greatness and a most conspicuous originality which political
and rhetorical fictions only serve to veil.
The populace delights always in that which is intimate-
ly its own. The vague, indefinite fancies which rove
through its imagination need but the vivifying and defining
touch of Art, with its intuitive grasp of common ideals,
to give them a new and victorious entrance into the spirit
of the people, over which they exercise a powerful do-
mination. And the form into which these popular thoughts
and sentiments are so translated, must itself be akin to the
matter. A theologian from the University of Paris lec-
turing in Umbria, or in any other part of the world,
would have missed the applause of a crowd of learned
students assembled in the halls of science. What a poor
figure would a professor have cut, with his monotonous
dialectical distinctions, in face of the people, assembled in
the open air in sight of mountains and plains ! — yes even
though those subtleties had been expounded in the idiom
I I Vita 72 : Populorum maximam muldtudinem, quasi vinim unum ceraebat
et uni praedicabat.
CHAPTER VI 183
of Italy ! It was not thus that the people was used to
be addressed. Vernacular eloquence had its own proper
demands, and the first of all was the absence of all pre-
tence to be eloquent. ^
And the external inspiration of the environment must
needs be no less forcible than the internal. From the
soft motifs of a song, or of the lays of chivalry (which
have an epic piety of their own), there was often flung
off a fervid prayer to the Lord ; like a solemn chorus
uniting voices that had been festive and tumultuous a mo-
ment before. Who could distinguish the opening of a
spontaneous call to religious meditation from the finish of
a jester's reckless ditty ? The Domini joculatores who
modulated the cantilene imported from rebellious Provence,^
had frequently the cleric's tonsure and the intonation of
the ecclesiastical chant, which was studied in the most
famous monasteries.^ Religion and Poetry, song and prayer,
can never really be separated : they are one thing. The
example had been set by the Church herself, when she
borrowed from pagan liturgy those sweetest psalmodies
which conquered alike the austere spirit of Saint Augustine
and the impressionable heart of the populace. "^ Proper
^ How can one fail to recall the words of Peter Chrysologiu bishop of Ra-
venna ? He says : Populis populariter est loquendum, communio compellanda
est sermone communi, omnibus necessaria dicenda sunt more omnium ; naturalis
lingua, chara simplicibus, doctis dulcis : docens loquatur omnibus profutura ; ergo
hodie imperito verbo veniam dent periti : S, Petri Chn/sologi, Op. (ed. Venetiis
1742) Sermo XLIII, 69.
2 Odofredo, 176-7. Memorie carolingie in S. P. Dam. Op. Ill, 104.
Rolandus Cantapoco is a Tuscan name of the year 1141; 'Dattidsobn, Forsch.
cit. I, 162. On French works in Italy in the Xlllth century, see Dunlop-
Wilson, Hist, of Prose Fiction, 1896; II, 43. D'Ancona in Rend. Ace. Lin-
cei 1 889 ; 420 seqq. Delia GioVanna, 1. c. 22.
3 S. P. Dam. Op. I. 103; (Ep. VI, 22).
4 Confess. X, 6, 33 ; CV. 231. 262-4. Cfr. 5. Paul. Eph. V. 19. Can-
184 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
to the liturgical chanting is that free rhythm which one
might almost call ' oratorical ', since that which we employ
in a normal recitation is, at bottom, the same thing. '
As the cantus adapted itself to the moveable parts of
the Mass, the original participation of the faithful in the
solemn sacrifice becsune reduced to a musical dialogue
between the celebrant and those who were assisting at the
ceremony. And then both chant and words came out
again from the Church to return again amongst the people,
whence they originally sprang. The invasion of profane
singing was felt as an annoyance by the ecclesiastics.
Timid penitents would ask their confessor : " Oportet
nos, pro recreatione et propter intolleranciam laborum,
quandoque aliquando iocunda cantare ?'*
And the reply was given: "Songs of the world, no;
but . . . hoc ipsum placet si de Deo et de S. Maria et
buiusmodi. " "^
Tardy counsel and vain I The Jesters themselves, who
even in Salimbene*s day ^ had become great rivals of the
Friars Minor, and frequented the society of priests and
bishops'^ in the houses of great Churchmen with a view
to win pardon for their profanity, mixed sacred and secu-
lar freely together, and combined the strains of gaiety and
tilenae of the Church, see S. Petri Cbrisologi Sermo CXVI, 116: Resurrec-
bonem... canttt... Christianus.
1 F. Flamini, Studi di storia letteraria, 1 13 seqq. 129 seqq. 142 seqq.
Cfr. La'voix, Hist, de la Musique, 7.
2 Scbonbacb, in Sitzungsber. cit. CXLVII, 90 (From the sennons of Berthold
of Regensburg). Delia Giovanna, 1. c. 19 No. 2.
Cfr. 5. Petri Cbry/s. Serm. X, 17; XCV, 171 ; CXV. 175: cantilena
< data nobis naturaliter » ad solatium laboris.
3 Chr, 353.
4 Deer. Greg. IX ; V, 3, 1 6 ; an. 1 1 66 ? A horse seems to be die cus-
tomary gift of a bishop to a jester.
CHAPTER VI 185
mysticism. ^ It is certain also that the heretics began with
singing, those meetings which the simple found so alluring ; ^
and perhaps they used to develope the argument of their
discourses on the basis of a popular motif. The prophetic
words of Saint Augustine were verifying themselves : " Sur-
gunt indocti et ccelum rapiunt, et nos cum doctrinis, sine
corde, ecce uhi volutamur in came et sanguine. " ^ The
sermons and popular discourses which had touched the
heart of the infidels in the first age of the Church, were
now alternated with hymns in which rhythms of the lays
of chivalry gave their soft tone to the afflictions of the
heroines of romance — or of the Virgin Mary. These form-
ed a fashionable type of dramatic and religious ceremony
during the twefth and thirteenth centuries. ^
I would not suggest, as does Delia Giovanna, that the
French speech into which Saint Francis often lapsed in
his moments of greatest religious enthusiasm, was a common
way of drawing attention to himself.^ It is evidently a
question of relapses into rhythm which betray their poetic
1 On Jacopone da Todi see : D'Ancona, Studi sulla lett. ital. de' primi
secoli, 1884; 4 seqq.
S. Simeon Stultus in a tavern fJpgaTO auXstv, i. e. he accompanied himself oh
the pandura, singing the hymn of the great Nicon, which drove away the de-
vils: Acta SS. T. I Jul. 157.
2 Deer. Greg. IX, V, 7, 8. (Cone. Lai. Ill c. 27). On erotic rhythtM
see Scbonbach, in Sitzungsber. cit. CXLVIl, 119.
3 Confess. VIII, 8. CV. 186.
4 This also is old material. We read in the Life of S. Radegonda (MG.
merov. II, 373-6) that the Saint when certain secular songs were echoing all
round the monastery, nihil audiise modo saeculare de cantico. Radegonda, in
ecstatic mood, heard only a religious hymn modulated over popular melodies,
which were carried over to sacred uses.
For the comic-religious " Mysteries " of the XIII^^ century, consult Lavoix,
Hist, de la Musique, 110-2.
5 R. 13 ; II Vita; I, 8: Quasi spiritu ebrius, lingua gallica petit oleum-*-
semper enim verba foris eructans gallice ioquebatur se apud illam gentem praecipue
honorandum praenoscens, et reverentia speciali colendum. An excellent reasoa I
186 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
origin. They are fragments of songs that have remained
alive in his memory, and by association of ideas, and by
a psychic process far from mysterious, slip into his discourse
v/henever a strong excitement, similar to that which the epic
narrative arouses, reproduces the same nervous commotion.
Saint Francis, born into a wealthly family, brought up
in a refinement enhanced further by his embracing the
noble profession of arms, was doubtless familiar with the
literature of chivalry in its original tongue, which was also
the language of aristocratic society. ' The prowess of the
heroes of the noble land of France, which remained dear
to him even after his change of life, incited him no longer
to seek glory in bloodstained battle-fields, but rather to
win souls to that serenity and peace which the Gospels
promise. This may be one of the reasons for the " chi-
valrous " character of the Order — meaning by that word
that the saint drew the inspiration of his eloquence from
the very special conditions of religious and artistic feeling
by which he was environed. And the singing of Saint
Francis, to whom pious posterity attributes the authorship
of certain hymns, ^ is followed by his companions, down
to the very metre used by the Master.^
1 Benv. de Ramh. de Imola, Com. super Dantis Aid. Com. (Flor. 1887);
II, 409: Indignor animo, quando video Italicos, et praecipue nobiles, qui conan-
tur imitari vestigia eorum el discunt linguam gallicam, asserentes quod nulla est
pulchrior lingua gallica. — Our old writers justly attributed to the French language
the power to render ideas more vivid : gallicae animositatis genium servans, et ex
more patriae verba violenter infringens, says S. P. Dam. Op. II, 204, of a
lady who made a disturbance because she was not reconciled to having her bus-
ing band enter the cloister.
2 Delia QioManna, 1. c. 27, with whom I gladly leave the matter, so as
not to trespass on others' preserves. Cfr. Spec. ed. Sabatier, 234 and app. ;
242, Gotz, 50 seqq. The laudes de crealurii are always associated with his
sermons. Tbode, Franz v. Assisi, 68.
3 See, e. g.. Vita Aegidii ; Acta SS. T. Ill Apr. 239 : Mystico et spiri-
CHAPTER VI 187
Absolutely nothing is left to us of those sermons which
moved the world. Jordanus preserved only the first words
of the sermon preached at the Chapter of 1221 : " Bene-
dictus Dominus meus qui..."^ This resembles the be-
ginning of the laudi of Benedetto da Corneto: "Laudato
et benedetto et glorificato sia lo patre . . . " ^ Celano ap-
parently did not like simplicity ; at any rate it is absent
from the following theme — Voluptas brevis, poena perpetua,
modica passio, gloria infinita, multorum vocatio, paucorum
electio, omnium retributio.^ But it comes back in the
exordium of the sermon at Bologna : Angeli, homines,
daemones. ^ To folk frenzied with wrath and blood the
Saint (blessed be his memory and his words!) preached
not the sweets of Roman orthodoxy and the horrors of
heresy ; but just "Peace — peace — peace !" The very men
who were on the point of cutting each other's throats
remembered at last that they were brethren. ^ If we had
tuali cantu voluit... monere. And so they become, ignorant as they are, most
acute interpreters of Scripture : ib. 240.
1 c. 16; Voigt, I. c. 523. (Ps. CXLIII, init.).
2 Salimbene, Chr. 32-3. Alleluja, Alleluja ! was the response which
followed his sermon.
3 R. 96 ; It is modified by Barth. da Pisa, because the good friar begins
with the prefatory words : " Magna promisimus, majora promissa sunt nobis. Ob-
servemus hec, aspiremus ad ilia ". Brevis voluptas etc. "Ooigt is right (1. c. 491
No. 45) ; the passage must be taken from some homily or other ; but so far 1,
like Voigt, have not been successful in detecting the source.
4 Sigonii, Op. Ill, 432 ; MG. SS. XIX, 580. De his autem (writes To-
maso da Spalato) spiritibus rationabiliter ita bene et districte proposuit, ut multis
literatis, qui aderant, fieret admirationi non modicae sermo bominis idiotae. By
idiotae are meant, in scholastic language, those not ' esinaniti ' (according to the
technical phrase) in the studies and the books of learning. At Bologna, in the
greatest centre of Italian culture, on the Feast of the Assumption, 1220, the
Saint had elevated somewhat his style of speaking ; and the vigorous oratory
was enforced by long practice. The success of that sermon is recorded in Fio-
retti No. 27 ; Actus No. 36.
5 L. c. Tota verborum eius materia discurrebat ad extinguendsis inimicitias,
ad pads foedera reformanda... Tantam Deus verbis illis contulit efficaciam, ut
188 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
no other testimony to the life of the Man of God, this
would be sufficient to glorify him for ever ; much more
so than that kind of neurasthenic apotheosis which is ac-
corded to him in our days.
In the '* Prima considerazione delle sacre sante stim
mate " ^ the popular theme is repeated : " Sancto Fran-
cesco . . . vassene in su la piazza, dove era ragunata iutta
la moltitudine di iutti questi gentili uomini, et in fervore
di spirito monta in su uno muricciolo et comincio a pre-
dicare, proponendo per thema delta sua predica questa
parola in volgare:
Tanto e quel bene che io aspetto
Che ogni pena m'e dilecto'\
Thomas of Celano had seen and heard the great prea-
cher, and had admired him, perhaps, in his own way,
with the reserve of a man of culture suspicious of anything
like enthusiasm. He had further taught his Master Gre-
gory's precepts on sacred oratory ; and had succeeded in
making of him a Sciint conformable to the canons of the
hagiographer's art. More could not be expected of him!
The essentially original figure declined to accomodate itself
to the conventional garb of monasticism : Francis was still
too vivid a memory in every heart for his place to be
entirely taken by a whitewashed symbol of the man. And,
further, not even Celano would have wished to put his
hand to a work which would have robbed the Order of
its glory and of the plaudits of the populace. Simplicity,
serene spiritual gladness, spontaneous delicacy of act and
multos nobilium, quorum furor immanis multa sanguinis effusione fuerat debac-
chatus, ad pacis concordiam simul deduceret.
' Fioretti, ed. Passerini, 145.
CHAPTER VI 189
word had conquered the world. Who would have de-
nied the lofty endowments of Saint Francis because, (as
we have seen), he avoided the harsh austerity of Saint
Benedict, and, smiling and singing, drew folk after him ?
Art should not trespass beyond certain limits. Celano did
not lack inspiration, either. The very practice of begging
from door to door — a hard necessity where work does
not provide for the day's needs — acquires a sort of charm,
a sweet poetic confidence in the love of all men. ' Where
the devil is, gladness is not — and the devil is idleness. ^
An old monastic duty, neglected now by the lazy deni-
zens of cloisters that are little capitals of litde kingdoms,
helps to preserve that gladness of heart which Saint Francis
imposes upon all his followers on the ground that Christ's
servant is immune from the assaults of demons when they
see him full of holy joy. ^ And there was no harm what-
ever in making the Saint — ever hilarious like the hermit
Anthony, '* — repeat, with the famous text-book of monasti-
cism : " Qui querulosus est, monachus non est. " '
Not content with pouring out his soul in praises of the
1 Reg. c. 5, 6. De modo laborandi - De petenda eleemosyna. R. 43 seqq.
II, 17 ; Spec. c. 26. R. 81.2 III, seqq. Celano with the words: Liceal, san-
ctus pater, etc. begins the lamentations for the extremely rapid decadence of the
Order.
2 Migne. LXXIII, 934. 789. 923, 934. 942 ; Cassian. Inst. Coenob. X.
173 seqq. This is why the hermit Aegidius lives by selling " sportellae " that
he makes ; Migne, 886 : Sportas - distrahendas per plateas circumferret ; Casaian.
Inst. Coenob. IV. 39 ; CV. 67. Acta SS. Ill Apr. 223 ; faciebat etiam quae-
<iam laboricia de juncis.
3 R. 66; III. 65. Spec. c. 95.
4 Migne, LXXIII. 156; V. Ant. c. 40 : Semper hilarem faciem gerens ;
cfr. ib. p. 965 : Misericordem in bilaritate ; ib. 1161 (Hist. Laus. Vita abb.
Apoll.). Licebat autem eos videre exultantes in solitudine, adeo ut nuUam eius-
modi aliam exultationem in terra videre liceat, nee laetitiam corporalem. Neque
enim erat inter eos aliquis moestus. aut tristis, etc.
5 Migne, UCXIII. 922 (V. 9 No. 54) ; cfr. 924.
190 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
Lord and of His creatures, Francis longs also for the har-
mony of a cithern, to make him forget for a moment the
cruel pain of his eyes. In the cells of the brethren no
such instrument is to be found ; and the Saint's companion
who in the world had been a harp-player humbly refuses
to beg the loan of one. "Father", he says, "I am grie-
vously ashamed : if they hear me play as I used to do
once, they will say that I have fallen into temptation . . .
One must respect appearances" (or opinions, which are
always, of course, the same thing). The Saint surrenders
to the bashful timidity of his fellow ; but God consoles
him with the celestial music of an invisible cithern. ' Even
so the sweet melody that vibrated within his spirit, and
gurgled forth in the rhythm of Gallic speech, gave him
no peace until . . . lignum quandoque, UT OCULIS VIDIMUS,
colligebat e terra, ipsumque sinistro hrachio superponens
anulum filoflexum tenebat in dextera, quern supra viellam
trahens per lignum et ad hoc gestus repraesentans, ^donea
gallice cantahat de Domino. Terminahantur tola haec
tripudia frequenter in lacrymas, et in passionis Cbristi
compassionem hie jubilus solvebatur.^
" Oculis vidimus " ? Yes, undoubtedly ; but what the
eyes of Thomas actually did was to peruse a charming
page of Caesarius, where he speaks of a cleric archipoeta
who makes a pair with Frate Pacifico converted when
already king of versification, like other joyous souls, by
Sant Francis. ^
1 R 68; III. 66.
2 /?. 69 ; (III, 67). The jester has always his viol with him : Salimbene,
153.
3 R. 58 (III, 49: cfr. III. 27 e 76). Caes. II, 16. Cfr. Boncompagni.
Cednis I. c. 163, which recalls the great renown of Bernard, the inventor of
glorioaae cancionea et dulcisonae melodiat. The " Re dci Versi " saw two
CHAPTER VI 191
With a view to demonstrating the elegant plagiarising
of Celano, we must bring together in close association
"spiritual gladness" and her amiable sister "simplicity".
The Sancta simplicitas is no longer that which shuts one's
eyes to the unworthy life of the priests ; it is the monk's
most splendid gift, which renders him worthy to obtain
the most singular graces and favours from God. " Nemo
se seducat/' says the Apostle, "si quis videtur inter vos
sapiens esse in hoc saeculo, stultus fiat ut sit sapiens'*.^
These words have created the type of " Brother Simple "
— a type that deserves a study to itself — the type that
takes pains to appear half idiotic, even when possessed of
a learning and a sanctity surpassing those of God's most
famous champions.
In the " Lives of the Fathers " we have already made
the acquaintance of Paul "the Simple", who yields to
non in the art of putting devils to flight, ignorant though
he be of the most elementary points of the Christian Re-
ligion — e. g., whether God be in heaven, or whether
Jesus came into the world before the prophets. God de-
nies him nothing, and when He hesitates a little to work
a miracle for him. Brother Simple is quite capable of
threatening him with a fast, like a Brahman, and gains
his point. ^ Gregory the Great sketches charmingly the
swords of iire issue from the saint's body ; just as the dumb porter saw flames
issuing from the month of Peter Telonarius the hero of charity : Vita S. Joan.
Eleem. c. 21 ; Migne, LXXIIl, 359. On Frate Pacifico there is a carefully
written article by Cosmo, in Giom. Stor. della Lett. Ital. XXXVIII, 2 seqq.
Cfr. Sabatier, Spec. 108 note 2.
1 1 QoT. Ill, 18. Cfr. ib. 1, 22: Placuit Deo per stullili&m praeJicalionis
salvos facere credentes ; and Greg. M. Moral. XIV, in c. 19 Job; No. 54.
2 Migne, XXI. 458: De Paulo simplice : Migne, LXXIIl, 1129 (Hist.
Laus. c. 28) ; ib. 1 1 40 : A nun who propter Christum simulabat stultitiam ;
ib. 429 : tNiescio si sit IDeus in coelo, sum enim rusticus.
192 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
figure ' which Leontius — author of the Life of S. Joannes
Eleemosinarius ^ — completes in that of S. Simeon Stultus,
adding certciin classical traits suggested by reminiscences
of the tradition of the Cynic philosophy.
Saint Simeon exhausts all his resources in the effort to
be humiliated, derided and despised. He eats lupins in
the piazza, like Diogenes ; he trails behind him a dead
dog and the children bay him ; he goes about with his
clothes over his dead, leaving the rest of his person un-
covered ; and finally, mindful of the other virtues of an
ancient hermit, he calmly submits to be accused of a pa-
ternity of which he is innocent. Charming and pious
legend, which demonstrates that supreme, absolute goodness
always triumphs over the wiles of the wicked. When
Saint Simeon sings the hymn of the great Nicon in a
hostelry, the devils immediately take flight.^
Caesarius of Heisterbach has dedicated to Brother Sim-
ple an entire book — the sixth — wherein he treats of the
virtues of simplicity. '' We find our Brother Simple pour-
trayed in many attitudes, and nearly all of them pleasing.
It is true, however that the delineator's art — like the fair
Hildegund^ — frequently forgets that its home is the cloister,
1 Dial. III. 33, 37. Moral. I. in c. 2 Job. No. 49 ; ib. VIII. in c. 8 Job.
No. 85. Cfr. S. "P. 'Dam. Opusc. 45. Op. III. 364 : De sancta simplicitate.
The ignorant console themselves with the familiar argument : Deus per viros idiotas
ac simplices mundum instituit.
2 Cfr. Gc/zer, in Syhel's Zeitschr. N. F. LXI (1899); 1-38. Leontius
wrote between 642 and 668 A. D. Simeon, of Edessa, is of the Justinian
period.
3 Acta SS. T. I Jul. 136 seqq. Cfr. especially No. 31 (152); No. 34
(153-4); No. 39 (146-7) e Migne. LXXIII, 779, 958. 'Diog. Laeri. VI.
2 (48) Monasticism is united to the ancient schools of philosophly by a close
bond of kinship.
4 Strange, I. 441 seqq.
5 Caes. I, 40 (Strange, I, 47 seqq.).
CHAPTER VI 193
and relapses into sheer gaiety, like a young girl among
the crowd at a festa.
Brother Simple is the hero of charity. Ensfrid gives
all to the poor - - even that which is not his ! In the
canons* kitchen hang magnificent hams; he cuts them in
half, and the part which touches the wall he leaves han-
ging, that none may observe the absence of that which
he has cut off given to the poor. ^ Another Brother, a
little daft, but good all the same, goes out by the window
instead of the door, and then wends his way on, quite
unconscious. Ever)rthing, or almost everything, is permitted
to the simple and the humble. God protects them."" The
Apostle who counselled holy foolishness is the same who
saud " Dei sumus adiutores " ; ^ and Caesarius, mindful that
Jesus conquered the world by the virtue of poor ignorauit
folk, and that He needs must be pleased with those who
follow His example, repeats that all simple brethren are
"the jesters of the Lord, of the Saints and the angels".
" Simplex quandoque mimo vel ioculatori comparatur :
sicut illius verba vel opera in eorum ore vel manibus, qui
ioculator non est, saepe displicent, et poena digni sunt,
apud homines, quae tamen ab his dicta vel facta placent:
ita est de simplicibus. Ut sic dicam, lOCULATORES DEI SUNT
sanctorumque angelorum, quorum opera, si hi qui simplices
non sunt, quandoque facerent, baud dubium quin Deum of-
fenderent, qui in eis, dum per simplices fiunt, delectatur'' '^
Arnold was both simple and pious, but the poetry of
devotion was not as spontaneous in him as he would have
1 VI, 5 (I, 347). He also cuts up and gives to the poor the geese which
he finds strung on the spit for roasting in the kitchen of Godofred the Notary.
2 VI. 9 (II. 41). Cfr. the delightful stories VI, 2, 7. (I, 357 seqq.).
3 I Cor. Ill, 9.
4 VI. 8 (I, 359-60).
194 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
desired. "When I wish to excite myself to prayer", he
says "sub cuculla digitos ad similitudinem citharizantis
moveo, et corda cordis tango, sicque mentis torporem ad
devotionem excito**. Such, at least, was his belief: but,
as a matter of fact the fingers that touched the chords of
an imaginary lyre drew therefrom in reality a wave of
harmonies that was heard afar off. '
The difference between Caesarius* story and that of
Celano is practically nothing : for the extremely slight va-
riants only serve the better to prove the methods by which
Thomas worked up German fancies for his own purposes.
Sabatier's Speculum is more malicious than usual on
this point. The pure legend which was hidden in Brother
Leo's "^ mysterious "notes", has a better knowledge than
have modem critics of Brother Thomas* marauding expe-
ditions. According to the Speculum of 1318,^ Francis
had the idea of putting Bro. Pacifico at the head of a
band of holy buffoons — Frati-giullari. Pacifico would
have preached first to the congregation, and his companions,
in chorus would have sung the praises of the Lord, tan-
quam joculatores Domini.
When the singing was ended the preacher would have
brought the ceremony to a close, with the customary jester's
plea : " Nos sumus joculatores Domini, et pro his volu-
mus remunerari a vobis, videlicet ut stetis in vera poeni-
tentia. — Quid enim [ait] sunt servi Dei, nisi quidam jocu-
latores Ejus, qui corda hominum erigere debent et movere
ad laetitiam spiritualem ? " * So the compilers of the
1 VII. 39 (II, 54).
2 TiUman, 83 seqq.
3 Op. c. 1 49. It will be understood that we have little interest in the fixing
of the exact date within a year or two.
4 Spec. c. 100 (196-7).
CHAPTER VI 195
fourteenth-century Speculum, while repeating Caesarius*
charming phrase, reproduced with great exactness the true
form of the primitive Franciscan preaching. Brother Pa-
cifico takes the place of Francis, the chorus of Brethren,
that of the people who respond to the Saint*s words with
hymns of devotion. Like Thomas, the compilers wished
to give a literary and at the same time a monastic colour-
ing to their description of that reality that was still vivid
and alive in pious Franciscan traditions ; and so they had
recourse to Caesarius. Aegidius, too, has up his sleeve
a lyre, qualem solent pueri effingere ; and takes it up to
play an accompaniment to his dialectical arguments in the
" contest " with Guardo. ^
Paul the Simple, Saint Simeon Stultus, Ensfrid, Arnold,
Christian, reappear in Franciscan garb, with the exagge-
ration characteristic of imitators, in the figures of Giovanni,
Ginepro, Egidio, and even find their way into the verses
of Italy's greatest satirist. Carlo Porta. "" Ginepro — " Bro-
ther Juniper" — instead of cutting hams in half, cuts off
the feet of live swine to give pleasure to a poor sick
friend. He plays at see-saw, lets himself be all but hang-
ed for a crime he has not committed, and casts away
his clothes after the fashion of his ancient colleague. He
is also an expert in cookery — after a fashion entirely his
own. He cooks together in one huge pot fowls, fish, ve-
getables and eggs : but, observe, that dish so refreshing to
the minds of the brethren, is really drawn from an old
monastic recipe of Gregory of Tours. ^
1 Acta SS. Apr. Ill, 241 ; No. 99.
2 Pocsie ed. Firenze, 1884; 115.
3 Anal. Franc. Ill, 62. Passerini, Fioretti 215-6. This story should be
compared with that of Gregonj of Tours, Lib. vitae patrum c. 3 (MG. SS.
merov. I, 665-6). Non est dignum ut monachi, quorum vita solitaria est, tarn
196 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
Now Brother Simple has become a little slovenly. It
is difficult to say whether he is trifling or acting and speak-
ing seriously. Art has its rights amongst us. From san-
eta simplicitas Franciscan ardour has drawn these charm-
ing figures which come again and again before us, and
carry us off in their company into the world where to
think is to dream.
The foresight of Celano had provided even against exag-
gerations ! Francis was simple, but not too simple. A
pleasant litde scene suffices him to demonstrate the absur-
dity of certain unfortunate imitators of the inimitable Saint
Giovanni is an all too simple peasant who resolves to
become a friar. No sooner said than done. He unyokes
one of his oxen and offers it to Saint Francis. The poor
country fcunily, alarmed at this costly outburst of charity,
rush up in tears to the Saint. He reads in their stunted
souls the anguish they feel at the thought of losing the
beast, and so — " Don't be disturbed *', he says, " I give
you back the ox, and take the man ! " The Master finds
in his new disciple an all too conscientious imitator. If
Francis coughs, Giovaimi coughs ; if he expectorates, so
does his follower . . . '
This delightful satire on the clumsy followers of the
Patriarch may perhaps itself be drawn from one of Cae-
sarius* narratives, in which the devil desiring to triumph
over a Brother who has fallen into the sin of gluttony
ineptis utantur sumptibus. Et statim iussit praeparari aeneum magnum. Cumque
locatus super ignem fervere coepisset, posuit in eo cunctos simul, quos paraverant
cibos, tam pisces, quam holera sive legumina, vel quicquid ad comedendum mo-
nachis distinatum (sic) fuerat dixitque : De his puldbus nunc reiiciantur fratres,
nam non deliciis vacent. Cfr. Acta SS. Ill Feb. 741 ; and Vita loh. Gotz in
MG. SS. IV. 343.
I R. 95 (III, 110); Spec, c 57.
CHAPTER VI 197
imitates, gesture for gesture the sham invalid, who has got
himself into the infirmary with the sole purpose of eating
flesh meat, which is forbidden to those in health. '
Gathering up into itself every perfection, simplicity pre-
pares for Francis glories both in heaven and in earth. Up
above in the empyrean there stands already prepared for
him the splendid seat lost by a rebellious angel who was
cast down with Pride and with Satan into Hell.'' On
earth every creature approaches the Saint with entire con-
fidence. Birds find in his hands the protecting warmth
of a nest ; bees spread their honey over the bowl that
has felt the sweet touch of his lip. ^ In Francis all is
simple, even religion itself. Like Augustine he adores in
the beautiful the supreme beauty of God : '' but the devotee
1 Caes. V, 6 {Strange^ I, 286) : Eo modo quo ille claudicaverat et ipse
claudicavit, et sicut introspexerat, introspexit, in nullo ab illius gesdbus discrepans.
Thomas writes : Animaequiores estate ; the phrase occurs in Vita Pach. c. 43 ;
Migne, LXXIII, 103; 881 : animaequior esto. In the Scripture I have not
found it.
2 R. 66-7 (III, 63). Spec. c. 60. Here it is Frate Pacifico who has the
vision. Identical visions will be found in Migne, LXXIII, 905 ; Caes. VII, 10.
A sedes vacua mirae pulcbritudinis was reserved for a blind German : cfr. VII,
56 ; XI, 12. Dante reserves a seat in Paradise for Henry VII : Paradiso, XXX
V. 133 seqq.
3 R. 83 seqq. (Ill, 101 seqq.). If S. Francis had a falcon to wake him,
and EUjah (I Kings XVII 6) a raven to bring him bread ; S. Benedict also was
visited by a diabolical black bird and a good raven. Greg. M. Dial. II, 2, 8.
The sparrows came down fearlessly into the hands of S. Remedius : V. S.
Rem. c. 7. MG. SS. antiquis. IV, 2 ; ("Oen. Fortun. op. ped. 65).
On the love of birds : Hincm. V. S. Remigi. MG. SS. Merov. Ill, 267 :
Aves tarn saepe in Scripturis commendantur, sicut passer, columba et turtur ;
Cassian. Conl. mon. XYIV, 21. CV. 267. Cfr. Spec. c. 113. The bees
{R. 86), mirahili arte favorum, built their comb in the vessel from which the
Saint used to drink ; and constructed a most beautiful capellula mirae structurae
over a consecrated Host : Caes. IX, 8. Celano has also in mind the Legend of
St. Ambrose, which makes the bees alight on the Saint's face while he lay, as
an infant, sleeping in his cradle. Paulinus, Vita S. Ambros. c. 3.
4 R. 83 seqq. (Ill, 101). De contemplatione Creatoris. Cfr. 5. Aug.
Confess. XIII, 32 e IV, 6, 12 CV. 353, 51, 78. Celano writes : cognoscrt in
pulcbris pulcberrimum, and Augustine : Pulcbriludo pulchrorum omnium ; XII,
198 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
of Saint Michael, of Mary the advocate of the Order, of
the Lord's Body, and of the relics of the Saints, ' is no
heretic.
This is what the Father of the Minorites bad to be
like. And, let us repeat it, through the tissue of false-
hoods the truth is visible. But without the patient and
austere guidance of criticism, we should have lacked the
infallible mark by which the true is distinguished from the
false.
We have followed Thomas of Celano in his arduous
task of composition ; we have seen him place his hand by
preference on certain books — and in so doing it has re-
vealed to us the secret of its guiding thought.
Among the monastic types one alone laid its claim upon
the artist of the Speculum. It was the most singular tyjje
of all, and the one least at home in the severe discipline
of the cloister : the unlearned man, miracle of goodness,
of happy sweetness, of charity, which his word imparts to
others with the violence of fire and the force of love.
Criticism has scattered the nebulous images of Celano,
and robbed them of their power to keep from us the con-
templation of the truth.
20 : El pulchra sunt omnia, faciente 7c, el ecce Tu inenarrabiliter pulcbrior,
qui fecisli omnia.
I R. 98 seqq. De deoolionihus specialibus Sancli. Mary is the maler pads,
the patroness of monasteries. S. P. Dam. Ep. VI, 32 ; Op. I, 115. Cfr. Caes.
VII, 6 : Ordinem Cisterciensem, cuius advocala sura, etc. ib. Xil, 58. Cfr. for
the Dominican Legend : Passavanli, Specchio della vera penitenza, Dist. Ill, 4
(ed. Classici Italiani, Milano, 1 808 ; I, 110: Leggesi nella leggenda del Padre
noslro ecc). On St. Michael whom the heretics could not forgive for his vic-
tories over Satan, see: S. P. 'Dam. Op. II, 133; Greg. M. Horn, in Evang.
II, 34 : No. 8. Caes. XIII. 45 ; XI. 3. St. Michael, as both Celano and
Caesarius note, is the angelus praesenlalor animarum. In Italy the sanctuary of
Gargano both is and was very famous. S. P. Dam. Op. I, 291 ; Ep. VII,
17. MG. SS. rerum langob. et ital. 541 seqq. For apparitions of St. Michael,
see also Vita S. Guidonis ; Acta SS. Ill, Mart. 913.
CHAPTER VI 199
From a flowery hill bathed in mystic light, the Saint's
dark eyes look forth upon the multitude that surrounds
him. He speaks, and the gentle voice is a fervid hymn
to the God of peace and love. The rhythm of the lays
heard in his gay youth accompanies the harmonious flow
of words that melt the coldest hearts. And when Francis
ceases, a feeling of infinite devotion that is awakened in
the ecstatic heart of the people bursts forth in a chorus
that rises solemn as a prayer.
Was it the Nazarene repeating, in the century of heresy,
His Sermon on the Mount?
From these hills enveloped in sunshine and in divine
hopes, Thomas of Celano cautiously leads away the pious
figure to the shade of the cloister, and places him side
by side with Saint Benedict.
APPENDIX I
THE DEATH OF SAINT FRANCIS
WE have already had occasion to remark that Tho-
mas of Celano when nanating the story of Saint
Francis' death and burial, did not allow himself to be
carried away even by such supremely solemn events, but
associated with the pale form of the man of Assisi other
figures suggested by his classical studies. Probably, as
we shall shortly see, Celano himself was not among those
who were present at the long agony and death of the
Saint. He reached the Porziuncola, however, no long time
after : and the nature of his conmiission from the Pope,
rightly conceived, must have guided Thomas in his search
for and selection of the facts from which, with the help
of his own art and memory, he drew the material for
the last chapter, among the rest, of his biography. "All
men are born and die in the same manner '*, some sceptic
may observe : yet it is worth while to reflect that the
founder of an Order destined to play so large a part in
the Church and in Christendom, could not close his lips
before his eyes ! Generally speaking — and here Thomas
stands among a very numerous company — hagiographers
demand that the last end of their heroes shall be as so-
lemn as their life. Further the Patriarch's farewell to his
brethren — like that of Christ to His Apostles — involves
the designation of his successor in the government of the
202 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
orphaned family. The last words of the Saints are their
"will and testsunent". One can well understand the im-
portance of the page on which they are inscribed.
Our task is not a heavy one. We begin with the First
Life, ' and give a somewhat abbreviated translation of
Celano's narrative, with a minimum of explanatory notes.
While Sciint Francis was in Siena for the cure of his
eyes which had caused him so much suffering, he felt
himself worse. The diseases of stomach and liver were
aggravated by vomitings of blood, sure sign (so my kind
medical friends assure me) that the cancer on the liver
had spread to the stomach. Soon serious cardiac compli-
cations shewed themselves.
Elias who was afar off sped to his master's side. The
sight of his trusted friend was of itself a tonic, so that
the invalid found himself able, without extreme distress, to
follow Elias into his cell at Cortona. After a short sojourn
there, the disease resumed its original violence. The belly
and all the limbs swelled up ; the stomach refused to take
food. Francis, utterly broken down, prayed Elias to have
him removed to Assisi : and the good son did that which
his kind father had commanded.
The whole city rejoiced at the Saint's arrival : why,
Celano tells us, somewhat crudely. The multitude hoped
that Francis would die speedily ; for thus Assisi would
have acquired a most precious relic in the corpse of the
Saint !
The compilers of the Speculum, who have amplified
at once bombastically and awkwardly the narratives of the
First Life emd the Second, spare the city Celano's taunt. '
J I Vita. 105 seqq. R. 83 »eqq.
2 c. 121. Says Bro. Oas to the Saint: Licet homines bujus civitalis te
APPENDIX I 203
The few words with which, in all probability, the Saint
commended his beloved Porziuncola to the brethren are
transformed in the Speculum — perhaps with a view to
obliterating Celano's harsh phrase — into an affectionate
greeting to the city of Assisi. '^
Meanwhile, as the malady advances, Francis loses
strength. When asked M; a certain Brother if he would
have preferred some sharper martyrdom, even by the exe-
cutioner's hand, to the long agony of his illness, he replied
that he was resigned to the will of God. Yet he did
not deny that even a few days of the pain that was then
tormenting him would be quite unbearable. It seems as though
question and answer alike find place in the narrative in
order that Thomas may have full justification for his pom-
pous apostrophe : O martyr, o martyr, qui RIDENS et
GAUDENS lihentissime tolerahat, quod erat omnibus acer-
bissimum et graoissimum intueri : '^ thus shamelessly pilfering
from Sulpicius Severus, who exclzums : O mum ineffabi-
lem, nee labore victum, nee morte vincendum... nee mori
timueriU nee vivere recusaverit..J Laetus ulceribus con-
GAUDENS-qrue cruciatibus, qualibet inter tormenta RISISSET.'^
iKnerenltir pro sancto, tamen quia credunt firmiter, propter banc infirmitatem
luam incurabilem, te in proximo moriturum. . . The odious character which is
intended to be attributed to Bro. Elias emerges here and elsewhere. Beneath is
discernible the purpose of the Speculum to represent the man of Cortona as glad
at the approaching death of the Saint, to whom he blurts out the news that his
end is near. The words of Elias are the same that Thomas employs.
1 c. 1 24. Fior. Quarta consid. ed. Cesari 1 28. The words are common :
Tom. Dignum habete locum habitaculum Dei. Spec. Locus et habitatio illorum
qui Te agnoscunt vere etc.
2 I Vita, 107. R. S5. In the later legends exaggerations accumulate with-
out limit. Bartolomeo da Pisa makes the Saint say : Domine, Te rogo, ut [de
omnibus doloribus] cenluplum, si Tibi placuerit, addas ; Conform, (ed. Bononiae
1590: 315) III, fr. 4.
3 Ep. Ill : CV. 148.
4 Ep. II : CV. 144.
204 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISl
Resignation of the will to the Lord on one's deathbed is
one of the natural notes of sanctity. '
The physicians marvelled that the patient — now but
skin and bone — still held out. Death came not to set
him free, because his hour was not yet come. In com-
mon with not a few of the Sciints, Francis knew by Di-
vine revelation when his end was to be. ^ Elias, while
he was with him at Foligno, had a vision. There ap-
peared to him an old and venerable priest clad entirely
in white, who said to him: "Arise and announce to Fran-
cis that eighteen years are past since his conversion : he
shall have but two more years of life".^ The vision, as
it happened, was vouchsafed to the man who would be
most interested to know this date ! "^
When the Saint perceived that his last day was at
hand, vocatis ad se fratrihus quos volebat . . . velut olim
patriarcha Jacob suis filiis henedixit, immo Velut alter
Mouses ascensurus in montem, quern constituit ei Deus,
filios Israelis henedictionihus ampliavit. Cumque a sinistra
ipsius resideret f rater Hellas, circumsedentibus reliquis fi-
liis, cancellatis manibus, dexteram posuit super caput ejus,
et exteriorum oculorum lumine privatus et usu, "super
1 Non ita inter vos vixi, ut pudeat me vivere ; nee timeo mori, quia Domi-
num bonum habemus : Paulinus, Vita S. Ambr. c. 45. And St. Martin : Do-
mine, si adhuc populo tuo sum necessarius, non recuso iaborem ; fiat voluntas
tua I Ep. Ill, CV. 148.
2 Vita S. Ambr. cit. 41 : Ipse autem de sua morte ante praedixit. Sulp.
Sev. Ep. Ill, 147: Martinus - obitum suum longe ante praesciit, dixitque fratribus
dissolutionem sui corporis inminere. Eugippii, Vita S. Sev. c. 41 : Diem etiam,
quo transiturus esset idem S. Severinus e corpore, ante duos seu amplius annos,
hac significatione monstravit.
3 I Vita 108. 109: li. 85-6.
4 Spec. c. 121 (237). Sabatier, unaware that the Speculum is simply re-
peating Celano's words, sets himself to study, the interrelation of ideas and facts
which... come from the same narrative.
APPENDIX I 205
quern, inquit, teneo dexteram meam ? " "Super fratrem
Hel^am " inquiunt. " Et sic ego volo " ait. Te, inquit,
fili, in omnibus et super omnia henedico ; et sicut in ma-
nihus tuis fratres meos et filios augmentavit Altissimus,
ita super te et in te omnibus henedico. In coelo et in
terra henedicat te Rex omnium Deus. Benedico te sicut
possum et plusquam possum ; et quod non possum ego,
possit in te Qui omnia potest ".
*' Valete, filii omnes, in timore Dei; et permanete in
ipso semper, quoniam futura est super vos temptatio maxi-
ma et trihulatio appropinquat. Felices qui in his, quae
coeperunt, perseverabunt, a quibus nonnullos futura scan-
dala separabunt. Ego enim ad Dominum propero, et ad
Deum meum, cui devote in spiritu meo servivi, iam ire
confido ".'
All this took place in the Bishop's palace at Assisi ;
whence the Saint, at his own request, was soon removed
to the Porziuncola.
And this is, as we said a little earlier, the Testament
of Francis.
He asks where his hand is Icdd, and as if that were
not enough, most vehemently confirming his wish {ego sic
volo), like Jacob, he designates Elias for the governing of
his family with a blessing. Here we begin to enjoy the
fruits of Celano's useful reading and of the instructions
given him from above. Saint Ambrose had written : Be-
nedictio cuiusque morituri, tantum virtutis habet, ut eam
sibi sanctus propheta optaverit (Job. 29, 13)... Hie
versiculus quantos benedici fecit ! ^ But the dying man
1 I Vita 105. R. 85-6.
=> De bono mortis. VIII. 36 ; CV. XXII, 734-5.
S^-
^o
206 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
was Francis of Assisi ; what a virtue would his words
of benediction possess ! Thomas remembered also the
long discourse of Severinus to his brethren, which begins:
** Scitis quod beatus Jacob de saeculo recessurus, condi-
cione mortis instante, filios suos adesse praecipiens, et pro-
pheticae benedictionis affatibus singulos quosque remunerans,
mysteriorum arcana prodidit futurorum " : ' and he knew
by heart, the story of the death of Pachomius, another
celebrated Founder of an Order : Ante duos dies sanctae
dormitionis suae, convocans universos fratres, ait ad eos :
Ego quidem, charissimi, viam patrum securus ingredior;
nam video me a Domino protinus evocari... Eligite, igitur,
ex vobis fratrem, me praesente, qui post Deum, vobis
praesit... quantum vero mea discretio perpendo, Petronium
ego ad hoc opus idoneum iudico. ^
The right of electing the abbot was anciently recognised
as belonging to the monks. In that return to cenobitic
ideas of a more remote antiquity favoured by Gregory IX,
it was judged opportune that this right should be temper-
ed by the presence and the advice of the d)dng Patriarch.^
1 Eugippi, Vita Severini, c. 43 (50).
2 Migne, L4XXIII, 271 ; Rosne^de, 137. For other instances of designa-
tions of his successor by the abbot, see Vita Posthumii c. 6; ib. 233-6; etc.
3 This designation by the abbot with the consent of the monks was evident-
ly aimed at the bishops — to wrest from them the right of nominating the abbots.
Roman legislation was indecisive. A novella of Justinian (V, 9) first recognised
the rights of the bishops, then (CXXIIl, 34) admitted the free election of the
abbot. Cfr. Knecbt, Op. cit. 58, 59. In Italy at any rate, the founders of the
monasteries obtained for their convents by the so called charters liberlationis (of
which a vast number are extant), the renunciation of all eventual rights of the
bishop. We cite only the most ancient of such documents : TVojja, Cod. Dipt.
Long. II, No. 349 ; anno 685 (?), in which the Bishop of Lucca promised to
Barbino, abbot of S. Frediano, not to touch the property bestowed on the mo-
nastery by Faulone, and adds : Et si abbas de banc luce migratus et dormierU
cum patribus suis et si (?) [Monad] ipsi eligerent sibi Abbatem ordinandum,
ipsum sibi abbatem debeant ordinare. The bishop only retained the prerogative
of giving his benediction to the abbot-elect.
APPENDIX I 207
The Order was a new one, and it was essential that Francis
should be succeeded by a man of firm and resolute cha-
racter, who should give security for the continued govern-
ment of the Minorites on those lines which Elias had been
known to follow when taking the place of the Saint. And
for this reason, too, Celano had not stinted his eulogies of
the man of Cortona ! Every one is liable to mistakes I
Thomas heaps benediction on benediction upon the head
of Elias and lavishes expressive phrases to shew what was
the desire of Francis, who, as a matter of fact, subject
as he was to the overbearing spirit of Elias, most probably
differed very little from the views of his biographer in the
matter.
The overt designation of Elias to be governor of the
Order takes place, be it observed, in the Palace of the
Bishop of Assisi.
We are dealing with a period which was marked by
an energetic reaction of a still more ancient law against
the old juridical and canonical institutions.' Both the Pope
and those of the Brethren who might have been called
politicians, had already fixed their eyes on the man who
even in the Saint's life-time had known how to rule the
family with a resolute and rigid hand. For that family,
composed as it was of somewhat doubtful elements ga-
thered at random, needed, after the disappearance of Fran-
cis, an iron hand to keep it in the line of duty.
We who, at a distance of so many centuries are on
the look out for the benign diffusion of Franciscan ideals
in the conscience of the epoch, cannot bring ourselves to
conceive of the great movement of Assisi as a phenome-
I For the intervention of the episcopal and f>apal authority in the election
of abbots, see Deer. Greg. IX, 1, 6, c. 14, 16, 37 etc.
208 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
non ruled by certain cold considerations far removed from
the high dreams of the "Poverello". But when it was
a question of the security of the institution, the monks
would lay aside all scruples, and put at the head of a
convent, if necessary, the son of some powerful person
who had entered the cloister simply and solely with a
view to being made abbot. ^
I do not wish to discuss Lempp's book on Brother
Elias, so I return to Saint Francis.
The political aims of Gregory IX made capital out of
the Saint's affection for the man of Cortona. The Pope
was acquainted with the strong and fearless nature of
Elias, and therefore had no objection to his figuring, side
by side with the great abbot of the De Vitis Patrum,
as the favourite monk, receiving, in classical pose, the suc-
cession from the lips of the Saint so soon to be silent in
death.
In S. Maria della Porziuncola, after several days of
quiet, Francis feels that the Lord is drawing nigh. We
have quitted the pomp of the episcopal Palace; and find
ourselves in the tender intimacy of the home. It is not
the Founder of the Order, but the Father who calls to
his side suos fratres et suos filios spirituales, praecipiens
eis de mode propinqua, immo de vita proximo, in exul-
tatione spiritus, alta voce laudes Domino decaniare. Ipse
vero, prout potuit, in ilium davidicum psalmum erupit :
Voce mea ad Dominum clamavi. ^ In the same way (it
may be mentioned incidentally) had another prepared him-
1 Deer. Qreg. IX. 1. 6, 38 (Inn. Ill ; Balul. XI, 262).
2 I Vita. 109 {R. 87). Cfr. Vita S. Benedicti Abb. Clui. MG. SS. Xli.
207 : Ter illam b. Andreae antiphonam largo fletu ore rigatus, prout potuit
cantavit : Domine Jesu Christe, Magister bone, etc.
APPENDIX I 209
self for the last great journey : — Severinus, who to his
weeping brethren maeroris suffusione cundantibus, ipse
psalmum protulit ad canendum : Laudate Dominum in
Sanctis ejus.^
In the Second Life and the Speculum these chantings
become hymns {laudes) of Francis' own composition. ^
Celano continues : Frater autem quidem de assisientihus
quern Sanctus satis magno diligebat amore, pro fratribus
omnibus plurimum existens soUicitus, cum haec intueretur,
et Sancti cognosceret exitum appropinquate, dixit ad eum :
" Benigne PATER heu I absque PATRE iam remanent filii,
et oculorum privantur lumine vero. Recordare igitur
ORPHANORUM, ^ QUOS DESERIS, ^ et omnibus culpis remis-
sis, tam praesentes quam absentes, omnes tua sancta be-
nedictione laetifica " . Ad quem Sanctus : *' Ecce {inquit)
EGO VOCOR A DEO,^ fili ; fratribus meis, tam absentibus
quam praesentibus offensas omnes et culpas remitto ; et
eos, sicul possum, absolvo, quibus TU HOC DENUNTIANS,
EX PARTE MEA, OMNIBUS BENEDICES ".
Let the reader (if such there be) kindly glance at the
notes at the foot of the page, and he will at once be in
possession of some excellent examples of Celano's literary
larcenies.
It is useless to ask who was that well-beloved disciple
on whom Francis laid the pious task of blessing all in his
name. So many things might be thought and said and
1 Vita S. Severini. c. 43 (51 lin. 23-5).
2 II Vita III. 139 {R. 108); Spec. c. 122, 123. The extreme weakness
of the Saint's condition at the time has obviously been forgotten !
3 loa. XIV, 20 : (^on relinquam vos orphanos.
4 Sulp. Sev. Ep. Ill; CV. 148: Cur nos pater deseris P... Noslri... mi-
serere QUOS DESERIS.
5 Vita Pach. I. c. video me a domino evocari.
210 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
even put foward as extremely probable conjectures. It is
better, surely, to leave to others the task of building up
legends in detail. Only this we may be allowed to add,
that the Brother in question might be one of the first
"companions", who in the intimacy of the Forziuncola
had been bold enough to address the Father. In the
Second Life Thomas administers a sharp rebuke to those
who usurped to themselves that special benediction : Nul-
lus sibi banc henedictionem usurpet, quam pro absentibus
in praesentibus promulgavit : ' and the reason of the re-
proof needs no further explanation.
If the Second Life had not escaped the general de-
struction of the legends that was instituted to make way
for that of Saint Bonaventure, our knowledge of Celano's
mania for putting himself to the fore might have led us
to suspect an identity between the "well-beloved disciple"
and our biographer, who, as a matter of fact had a ma-
terial pledge of benediction in the shape of a relic of the
Saint to give to Brother Jordanus, his old companion in
the German mission, when that Brother reached Assisi. ^
But logic, which is valid in many regions of thought, fre-
quently falls to pieces in the historical sphere over some
trivial fact. If the doctrine of interpolations were to be
extended to Franciscan studies, there would be room for
the hypothesis that those words in the Second Life were
a very late addition. For my part, however, I prefer to
leave the texts as they have come down to us. More-
over Thomas was constreiined by circumstances — the con-
trolling influence of the multitude of witnesses, and the
1 III, 139 {R. 108).
2 Jord. c. 59 ; Voigl, 1. c, 543. Jordanus takes the relic and — forgets that
he has it with him. A miracle was required to jog his memory I
APPENDIX I 211
recent date of the events referred to — not to presume too
much upon his own erudition or his mandate from Pope
Gregory. Even for a rhetorician, est modus in rebus :
and some scraps of truth seem to emerge, in fact, from
the artistic labour of Celano.
Now let us return to the Saint's bedside. He iussit
denique codicem Evangeliorum portari, ET EVANGELIUM
SECUNDUM lOANNEM SIBI LEGI POPOSCIT, ab eo loco ubi
incipit : Ante sex dies Paschae, sciens Jesus etc. '
In the Second Life Brother Elias and the disciples
disappear, and — more significant still — so does the reading
from the Gospel according to Saint John. What brightens
the Saint's last hour in this narrative, is the knowledge that
he has the temporary use and not the proprietorship of
the modest attire that has been lent him ! Francis who
towers up in the memory of his times, like Jesus himself,
breaks bread and hands it to the brethren, whom he
blesses. The strains that in the recesses of the humble
Porziuncola resound around the Patriarch's death-bed are
his own ' lodi ' (verba quaedam quae olim composuerat). ^
In that shipwreck of sensations and ideas which shortly
precedes death, the most vivid recollections of youth are
apt to float to the surface : it is these that have left the
profoundest impression on the consciousness, and oppose
the onrush of its dissolution. Francis asks and desires to
have read to him the Gospel of Saint John, the favourite
scripture of heretics. Was this a fugitive return of the
dying man to the ceremony of the consolamentum ?
A Saint, who was to be shortly canonized by the Pope,
(and let us remember, we are in the century of hetero-
1 loa. XIII. 1.
2 II Vita III, 139 (R. 108).
212 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
doxy par excellence) died so — like a thorough heretic I
To minimise the impression produced by the fact, Celano
borrows a description from Sulpicius Severus, and shews
us the Saint breathing his last, like Saint Martin and many
another champion of Christ, on hair-cloth and ashes. ^
And now that the Saint is dead our unctuous author
may at last put into the narrative something entirely his
own. It is, as it were, the reward that he allows him-
self for the laborious c«id detailed use of his learning.
Listen to it. Unus, autem, ex fratrihus et discipulis eius,
fama non modicum Celebris, cuius nomen nunc existimo
reticendum, quoniam dum vivit, non vult tanto praeconio
gloriari, VIDIT animam sanctissimi Patris, RECTO TRAMITE,
IN COELUM conscendere super aquas mulias. Erat enim
QUASI STELLA . . . CANDIDA SUBVECTA NUBEcu/a. ^
We are already aware who was that Brother "no
little famous " ; we know him by his erudition. Thomas
employs in his description of the vision a passage of the
Dialogues of Saint Gregory, the Second Letter of Sulpi-
cius Severus, and reminiscences of the book of that monk
1 I Vita 52 : Nullis sinehat stramentis seu vestibus operiri, sed nuda humus,
tunicula interposita, nuda suscipiebat membra. lb. 110: lussit proinde se super'
poni cilicio et conspergi cinere, quia terra et cinis mox erat futurus.
Sulp. Sev. Ill, CV. 149: Nobili illo strato suo in cinere et cilicio recubans.
Et cum a discipulis rogaretur, ut saltim vilia sibi sineret slramenta subponi, non
decet, inquit, Christianum nisi in cinere mori. Read the hyperbolical narratives
of Bartolomeo da Pisa: Lib. Conform. Ill, fr. 4 ; ed. cit. 319 f.
2 I Vita 110; {R. 87-8). The Saint's soul, in the form of a star rises
up to heaven per multas aquas. According to the mystical interpretation of
Gregory the Great, water « pluralitatis appellatione » indicates the septiformis do-
noTUtn spiritualium gratia: Moral. XI, in c. 12 Job; No. 14, or in the sin-
gular ; aqua scientia praedicatiojyis accipitur. Cfr. also Moral. XIX, in c. 28
Job ; No. 9 : Per aquam - bonorum mentes, fidei praedicamenta sequentium,
designantur... Per Psalmistam dicitur : Vox Domini super aquas [Psalm. 28, 3].
Thomas, in his description of the apparition, certainly kept close to the best mo-
dels of classical symbolism.
APPENDIX I 213
who had enlivened the long evenings of his sojourn in
Germany.
Gregory the Great describes in the following words what
was seen by two disciples of Saint Benedict immediately
after that Saint's death: VIDERUNT... quia strata palliis
atque innumeris corusca lampadibus via, RECTO Orientis
TRAMITE, ab eius cella IN COELUM usque tendebatur.^
The vain Sulpicius Severus is visited by the vision of Szunt
Martin who is on his way to Paradise. Even in the midst
of his heavenward journey the Saint deigns to remember his
biographer: Repente S. Martinum episcopum videre mihi
videor, praetextum toga CANDIDA vultu igneo, stellantibus
oculis... adridensque mihi paululum libellum, quern de vita
illius scripseram, dextera praeferebat... Mox... subito mihi in
sublime sublatus eripitur ; donee emensa aeris istius vastitate,
cum tamen rapida NUBE SUBVECTUM acie sequeremur ocu-
lorum, patenti coelo receptus, videri ultra non potuit ^
As if the foregoing sources of inspiration were not enough,
Paulinus reminded Thomas how, above the body of Saint
Ambrose, plurimi... STELLAM... se vidisse narrabant.^
A true theory on the significance of the appearance of
stars is expounded by Caesarius. Quod vero, he writes,
super morientem, STELLA visa est, signum fuit quod san-
cta... anima, in magna virtutum celeritate, Christo soli
iustitiae coniuncta est. ^
Celano had described the star as being bright as the
sun and large as the moon, in order that there might be
no mistake whatever about the sign.
1 Dial. II. 37.
2 CV. 142-3.
3 Vita cit. c. 48.
4 Caes. I, 6; (Strange, I, 15).
214 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
The soul had winged its flight into heaven ; the body,
object of the unanimous veneration of an entire people,
attested, by the Divine stigmata, the other and more so-
lemn miracle w^rought in the person of the man of Assisi.
After the mournings and rejoicings of the Minors and
of the Povere Donne, ^ Celano proceeds with a paraphrase
of Sulpicius Severus, recording the miraculous beauty of
those poor members : Intuebantur... carnem illius, quae
nigra fuerat prius, candore nimio renitentem, et ex sui
pulchritudine beatae resurrectionis praemia pollicentem. Cer-
nebant denique vultum eius, quasi vultum angeli, quasi
viveret, non sicut mortuus esset. ^
Saint Bonaventure recounts in his Legend that the larks,
wheeling round with unaccustomed gladness, assembled
towards evening upon the roof of the cell where the Saint
had breathed his last. ^ Those creatures dear to the heart
of Francis, and haters of darkness, were attracted, mista-
kenly, by the light which streamed out from the glorious
pallet where he lay. Perchance they believed that a new
sun was rising there, heralded by the red flames of dawn.
On the contrary, it was a gloomy sunset. The "Pove-
rello" had accomplished his most pure mission: and now
the mission of the Order was free to begin.
1 I Vita 112 {R. 88-9). Calervabm iota civilas mil. Sulp. Seo. Ep, III;
CV. 1 50 : Tota obviam corpori civilas ruii. I Vita 1. c. Unusquisque autem
cantabat canticutn laetitiae... ib. 117: Sed Mirgineus pudor multo fletui imperabat.
Ep. cit. Turn virginum chorus fletu abstines, prae pudore... Dum unusquisque
et sibi praestat ut doleat, etc.
2 Ep. cit. 149-150: Testatique nobis sunt, qui ibidem fuerunt, vidisse se
vultum eius tamquam vultum angeli : membra autem eius Candida, tamquam nix,
videbantur... iam enim sic videbatur, quasi in futurae resurrectionis gloria et natura
demutatae carnis ostensus esset. Cfr. Paulinus, Vita S. Ambr. c. 42 : Post quod,
facta est fades eius velut nix.
3 Acta SS. II Oct. 662; No. 213.
APPENDIX 11
THE LEGEND OF THE ROBBERS
speculum perfectionis IV, 66; ed. Sabatier ; 123 seqq.
Qualiter docuit quosdam fratres lucrari animas quorumdam
latronum per humditatem et caritatem.
IN quodam eremitorio fratrum super Burgum Sancti Se-
pulcri veniebant latrones aliquando pro pane, qui latita-
bant in sylvis et expoliabant homines transeuntes : quidam
fratres dicebant quod non erat bonum illis dare eleemosy-
nam, alii vero ex compassione dabant ad movendum eos
ad paenitentiam.
Iterim beatus Franciscus venit ad locum ilium, quem
fratres interrogaverunt, utrum esset bonum eis dare eleemo-
synam, et ait illis beatus Franciscus : " Si feceritis sicut di-
xero vobis, confido in Domino quod lucrabimini animas
eorum. Ite ergo et acquirite de bono pane et de bono
vino et deferte illis in sylva ubi morantur et clamate di-
centes : * Fratres latrones, venite ad nos quia fratres sumus
et portamus vobis bonum panem et bonum vinum ! '
lUi statim venient. Vos autem extendite toaleam in terra
et desuper ponite panem et vinum et servite humiliter et laetanter
donee manducaverint. Post comestionem vero dicetis eis
de verbo Domini, et finaliter petatis ob amorem Dei banc
primam petitionem, ut scilicet promittant vobis quod non
216 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
percutient nee alicui malum facient in persona. Si enim
omnia simul peteritis non vos exaudirent, ipsi autem propter
humilitatem et caritatem vestram statim promittent vobis.
Altera vero die propter bonam promissionem apportate
eis cum pane et vino ova et caseum, et servite donee co-
mederint. Et post comestionem dicetis eis : ' Quid hie
statis tota die ad moriendum fame et tolerandum tot ad-
versa, et eum hoe faeitis tot mala voluntate et operatione,
pro quibus perditis animas vestras, nisi ad Dominum eon-
vertamini ? Melius est ut Domino serviatis, et ipse in hoe
saeeulo tribuet vobis neeessaria eorporum et finaliter salvabit
animas vestras. Tunc eis Dominus inspirabit ut, propter
humilitatem et patientiam vestram quam illis ostenderitis,
eonvertantur ' ".
Fecerunt itaque fratres omnia sicut eis dixit beatus Fran-
eiseus, et ipsi latrones per gratiam et misericordiam Dei
exaudiverunt et servaverunt de littera ad litteram, de puneto
ad punctum, omnia quaeeumque fratres ab eis humiliter
petierunt. Imo, propter humilitatem et familiaritatem fratrum
circa illos, coeperunt et ipsi fratribus humiliter servire por-
tantes in humeris suis ligna usque ad eremitorium et tandem
aliqui ex ipsis intraverunt religionem. Alii vero eonfitentes
peccata sua egerunt paenitentiam de commissis, promittentes
in manibus fratrum de cetero se velle vivere de labore
manuum suarum et nunqucim similia perpetrare.
APPENDIX II 217
Actus B. Francisci et sociorum ejus, c. 29 ; ed. Sabatier 97 seqq. '
De tribus latronibus conversis per sanctum Franciscum quo-
rum uni revelata fuit poena infemi et gloria paradisi.
Beatissimus pater Franciscus, cupiens omnes homines per-
ducere ad salutem, mundum per diversas provincias cir-
cuibat : et quocumque ibat, quia divino Spiritu ducebatur,
novam familiam Domino acquirebat. Unde sicut vas electum
a Domino erat balsamum gratiae infundendo, propter quod
perrexit in Sclavoniam, in Marchiam Triviginam, in Mar-
chiam Anconitanam, in Apuliam, in Sarraciniam et in multas
alias provincias, ubique multiplicando servos Domini nostri
Jesu Christi.
Unde quum semel transiret per Montem Casalem, ca-
strum quod est in districtu Burgi Sancti Sepulcri, recepit
ibi unum juvenem nobilem de Burgo praedicto. Qui quum
venisset ad beatum Franciscum, dixit ei: " Pater, ego vellem
libentissime effici frater vester". Sanctus vero Franciscus
respondit ei : ** Fili, tu es unus juvenis delicatus et nobilis :
forte paupertatem nostram et asperitatem non poteris susti-
nere".^ lUe vero ait: "Pater, nonne -vos estis homines
sicut ego ? Sicut ergo vos qui estis mei similes sustinetis,
sic et ego, cum adjutorio Dei, potero sustinere ! " Quae
responsio multum placuit sancto Francisco et statim recepit
eum et benedixit, et fratrem Angelum appellavit. Qui ita
gratiose se habuit quod pauIo post ipsum in praedicto
Monte Casali guardianum instituit.
1 Fioretti, No. 26.
2 An old monastic refrain I Paasavantl, Specchio della vera penitenza, ed.
Milano. 1808; I. 26.
218 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
In illis autem diebus erant tres famosi latrones in par-
tibus illis, qui undique multa maleficia perpetrabant. Isti
latrones quadam die ad praedictum locum venerunt, rogan-
tes fratrem Angelum guardianum ut eis de comestibilibus
provideret. Ipse guardianus, rigida reprehensione eos re-
darguens, dixit eis : " Vos, fures et saevissimi homicidae,
non solum non erubescitis labores aliorum praedari, sed
insuper praesumitis, ut effrontes, eleemosynas, servis Dei
exhibitas devorare ! Quum non sitis digni quod vos terra
sustineat ! Quia et nullum hominem reveremini, et Deum
qui vos creavit contemnitis. Ite ergo pro factis vestris et
hue amplius nunquam accedatis ! " Illi vero turbati valde
cum indignatione maxima recesserunt. Et ecce eodem die
sanctus Franciscus ad locum rediit, portans de quaesta
quam cum socio fecerat unam tascam panis et unum bu-
tigulum vini.
Quum autem guardianus qualiter illos latrones repulerat
retulisset, sanctus Franciscus dure redarguit ipsum, dicenis
quod impie gessit, quia peccatores melius reducuntur cum
dulcedine pietatis quam increpatione crudeli. ' " Nam et
Christus, magister noster cujus Evangelium servare promi-
simus : Non, inquit, opus est valentihus medicus, sed male
hahentihus et non veni vocare justos sed peccatores, et ideo
frequenter cum peccatoribus manducabat. Quia ergo con-
tra caritatem et contra exemplum Jesu Christi fecisti, per
sanctam obedientiam praecipio tibi quod statim accipias
tascam istam panum et vasculum vini quod acquisieram.
Et sollicite per montes et valles dictos latrones quaeras,
donee invenias. Et panes istos omnes et vinum praesen-
tabis eis ex parte mea, et postea coram illis genuflectens,
I Cfr. 5. Greg. M. Reg. Pastor. II, 10.
APPENDIX II 219
de incurialitate et crudelitate tua dicas humiliter culpam
tuam. Et roga illos ex parte mea quod amplius mala ista
non faciant, sed Deum timeant et proximos non ofFendant.
Et si haec fecerint, ego promitto eis de necessariis pro
eorum corporibus continue providere. Et quum illis haec
humiliter dixeris, revertaris".
Interim tunc sanctus Franciscus pro illis rogabat Domi-
num, ut illorum corda ad paenitentiam emoUiret.
Unde factum est quod, quum eleemosynas illas a sancto
Francisco transmissas latrones illi comederent, ad invicem
conferre coeperunt et dicere : " Heu ! nos miseros et infe-
lices, quos durus et infernalis cruciatus exspectat! qui per-
gimus non solum praedando homines et vulnerando sed
etiam occidendo : et tamen de tam horrendis sceleribus et
homicidiis nullo Dei timore et compunctione conscientiae
stimulamur. Et ecce iste sanctus frater, qui venit modo
ad nos, propter aliqua verba valde justa propter nostram
malitiam in nos irrogata, se coram nobis tam humiliter
accusavit. Et insuper sancti patris tam liberale promissum
retulit, et panis et vini beneficium attulit caritatis. Vere
isti sunt sancti Dei, qui caelestem patriam promerentur.
Nos, filii perditionis aeternae, per flammas ultrices quotidie
nobis nostri nefandis sceleribus cumulamus! Nescio utrum
de patratis facinoribus et commissis flagitiis possimus a Deo
misericordiam invenire ". Uno vero illorum praedicta verba
dicente, reliqui duo dixerunt : " Quid ergo faciendum est
nobis?" Et ille : " Eamus, inquit, ad sanctum Franci-
scum, et si ipse nobis confidentiam tribuat quod possimus
de magnis peccatis nostris misericordiam invenire a Deo,
quidquid ipse mandaverit faciamus, ut possimus animas
nostras de infemi barathro liberare *'.
In quo consilio omnes tres concorditer consenserunt. Et
220 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
venerunt festinanter ad sanctum Franciscum, dicentes : " Pa-
ter, nos propter multa et pessima peccata nostra non con-
fidimus posse misericordiam Dei in venire ; sed tu, si confidis
quod Deus ad suam misericordiam non recipiat, ecce parati
sumus tecum paenitentiam facere et in omnibus quae nobis
praeceperis obedire ". Quos sanctus Franciscus benigne
et caritative recipiens, exemplis eos multiplicibus exhortando,
certos eos de invenienda Dei misericordia reddidit. Et in-
super se illis acquisiturum a Domino ipsam misericordiam
et gratiam repromisit. Instruens illos etiam quomodo divinae
misericordiae immensurabilis magnitudo cuncta peccata no-
stra, etiam si infinita essent, praecellit ; et quomodo, testante
Evangelio et apostolo Paulo, Christus in hunc mundum
pro peccatoribus venit redimendis.
Propter quae salubria hortamenta tres dicti latrones abre-
nuntiaverunt mundo, et recepti a sancto patre, sibi tam
habitu quam animo adhaeserunt...
Exempla of Jacques de Vitry ; ed. Crane, No. 68 ; 29 seqq.
. . . De quodam abbate valde religioso audivi quod, cum
quidam latro pessimus, quasi homo desperatus et princeps
latronum, regionem in quam habitabat predaretur, multos
spolians et jugulans, abbas ille equum ascendens ivit ad
locum, ubi latro cum sociis suis morabatur. Videntes au-
tem ilium a longe concurrerunt ut equum illi aufenent et
vestibus spoliarent. Cumque abbas quereret a principe
latronum quid vellet ; " Volo, inquit, equum ilium et omnia
vestimenta tua ". Cui abbas : " Aliquanto tempore equum
istum equitavi et vestibus istis usus sum, non est justum
APPENDIX II 221
ut bona Dei solus habeam, sed tibi et sociis tuis, si indi-
getis, volo communicare ".
Ait latro : " Hodie equum et vestes vendemus, ut pa-
nem et vinum et carnes emamus ". Cui abbas : " Fili,
quare tamen laboras pro victu tuo et exponis te periculo?
Veni mecum ad monasterium et ego quamdiu volueris, melius
procurabo te et omnia necessaria tibi dabo ". Cui latro :
" Non possem manducare fabas vestras et olera, nee bibere
vinum corruptum aut cervisiam vestram ". Cui abbas :
** Dabo tibi panem album et vinum optimum et tot fercula
carnium et piscium quot desiderat anima tua'\
Cumque vix ille acquiesceret ut aliquanto tempore pro-
baret quid ei facere vellet abbas, postquam veniret ad
monasterium, duxit eum abbas in cameram valde pulchram
et fecit fieri magnum ignem et Jectum pulchrum et suavem
coopertoriis preciosis, assignans ei monachum, qui omnia
quecumque desideraret sibi prepararet, precepitque abbas
monacho ut omni die, postquam latro splendide comedisset,
ipse coram eo non nisi panem et aquam comederet.
Cumque latro pluribus diebus monachus ille artam dietam
observantem vidisset, cepit cogitare quod monachus ille
multa mala fecisset, qui tarn duram faciebat penitenciam,
et quadam die quesivit ab eo : " Frater, quid fecisti qui
te omni die ita affligis, si homines interfecisti ? " Cui mo-
nachus : " Absit, domine, quod unquam hominem contri-
staverim, nedum occiderim ; ego enim a puericia mea hoc
monasterium intravi". Cui latro: "Si fornicationem vel
adulterium vel sacrilegium fecisti?" Cui ille, pre ammi-
ratione se signando, ait : "Domine, quid est quod dixistis?
Deus tantam iniquitatem avertat a me! Ego nee unquam
feminam tetigi". "Quid igitur fecisti quod ita corpus tuum
affligis?" Ait monachus: "Domine, propter Dominum
222 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
hec facio ut jejunando, orando, alia opera penitencie fa-
ciendo, Dominum mihi propitium reddam".
Audiens latro valde compunctus est, et cepit intra se
cogitare : Quam miser sum et infelix, qui tot mala, tot
furta, tot homicidia, tot adulteria et sacrilegia semper feci
et nunquam vel una die jejunavi ! Et iste monachus in-
nocens tantam penitenciam omni die facit ; et, vocato ab-
bate, cecidit ad pedes ejus, rogans eum ut in coUegio
fratrum reciperet ipsum. Qui postea diu in monasterio
adeo se afflixit, quod omnes alios abstinentia et religione
superavit, et ita abbas exemplo monachi, qui ministrabat
latroni, non solum animam ejus lucratus est Deo, sed multos
a morte liberavit, quos latro ille spoliasset et jugulasset.
Ecce quantum prodest EXEMPLUM BONUM, e contrario
valde nocet EXEMPLUM MALUM.
We have already observed that Sabatier makes two
contentions ; ( I ) that the Speculum is original, and (2)
that the narrative is a commentary on C. VII of the Old
Rule. The truth is that both the Speculum and the
Actus borrow^ directly, but independently, from the charming
Legend of Jacques de Vitry, w^ho, in his turn, is not ori-
ginal either. We recall the earliest exempla of the "Lives
of the Fathers" and of Saint Gregory the Great. If the
Ancient Rule adopted the principle of welcoming even
latrones with open arms, this is due indeed to the cha-
racter of the Brotherhood ; but the latter is, in its turn,
a reproduction of old monastic norms.
Abbots frequently succeeded in introducing such criminals
into the cloister, so that homines flagitios pro suis criminihus,
variis suppliciis deputati, beneficio Ordinis sint liherati. '
I Cacs. I, 31 ; {Strange, I, 36).
,.p>
APPENDIX II 223
With the narratives of the two Franciscan texts before
us we can almost reconstruct the exemplum of Jacques
de Vitry in its original form ; what is lacking in the one
is found in the other. The Speculum is, on the whole,
more faithful to the French narrative, of which it preserves
the original lines. Saint Francis is pictured as shewing
how to convert offenders by gentleness ; and if he does
not actually prepare for them a rich feast and magnificent
chamber, at any rate he has spread for them some kind
of a table-cloth.
The Actus begin the narrative differently, but retain the
bandits' reflexions on their own desperate life, comparing
it with that of the Brethren, at once innocent and austere.
APPENDIX III
THE WOLF OF GUBBIO
Apropos of this subject one is fain to repeat the pro-
verb (without the corrections of " Conte zio" of the
Promessi Sposi), " The wolf may lose his hide, but not
his vices". For wolf and vices here have reference not
to the Friars, but to the present writer : who, in virtue of
his profession, which stands as it were midway between
Law and History, is apt to delude himself with the idea
that he can give a clear and persuasive explanation of the
famous miracle of Gubbio as it appears in the Actus and,
later, in the Fioretti. ^
Sabatier observes that in Celano's Second Life ^ " il y
a quelques mots sur des loups de Greccio ", and that in
the MS of Assisi No. 651 [Fioretti] f. 37 there is a
marginal note in Papini's handwriting : " Who says it first?"
(C^r lo dice il primo ?) To this acute question I do not
feel competent to give a completely satisfactory answer ;
but perhaps it will not be difficult for me to shew how
that " primo scrittore *' has ingeniously put together his
charming little story, starting from Thomas of Celano.
It may be remarked at once that Sabatier is altogether
right in sending us back to the Second Life, in which
1 Actus No. 23. Fior. 21. Cfr. Liber, conform, ed. Bononiae 1590; I,
fructus 10 (140).
2 Op. c. 77 nota 1. II Vita II. 5 R. 26.
226 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
occur the following words, spoken by the Saint to the
men of Greccio : " Si quisque oestrum confiteatur peccata,
[et] dignos facial poenitentiae fructus, fideiuheo vobis, quo-
niam pestilentia haec omnis abscedet ". It is in conside-
ration of the Saint's fideiussio — his "going bail" — that
peace was made between the wolf and the people of
Gubbio : the whole ceremony is, therefore, based on the
"word" of Francis. From the prose of Thomas of Ce-
lano the germ-thought passed into the brain of the romancer,
who subsequently worked it up in his own way but with
real juridical knowledge and remarkally fine artistic taste.
In his charming preface to the Actus ^ Sabatier brings
before us again the opinion of certain critics who are in-
clined to see in the narrative a terrible baron, described
in semblance of a wolf, tamed by the Seraphic Man of
Assisi, as Ezzelino by Saint Anthony of Padua. Yet the
writer to whom we owe so much, though he regards the
idea itself as a good one, adds that the conversion of
animals figures too frequently in hagiology to make it of
any account. The true cause of the fcime of this nar-
rative is to be sought not in its simple and limpid literary
clothing, but in the Franciscan spirit by which it is en-
tirely animated. According to mediaeval ideas wolves, bri-
gands and heretics are alike outside the pale of the law.
This is not, however, the mind of Saint Francis. For
him, the world wants not only justice : the severe goddess
as preceded by "cortesia". At the Saint's bidding bro-
ther Wolf begs pardon of the citizens of Gubbio, de in-
curialitate et crudelitate sua, for that he also has trans-
gressed the rules of curialitas, a quality that is dear to God.*
1 Op. c. XII.
2 Fior. No. 26; Actus No. 19.
APPENDIX III 227
It will be well, however, to to obtain a really clear idea
of the meaning of this word. Curialitas comes from curia,
as cortesia from code. The old engine of Roman finance
lost its classical signification in the language of the Middle
Ages/ At Naples the curia means the college of Notaries;
but ordinarily the name is applied to any assembly of
public or private character : and curialitas is the complex
of rules that renders possible and, in certain cases happy
and pleasant, the reunion of many people in the same
place for a definite purpose. Gentilezza, in the modem
sense, is the consequence of such a discipline, necessarily
imposed on those who meet together.^ And this too may
be numbered «imong the various senses of the word ; but
the principal signification seems to be the aptitude to live
together with others, observing the rules and social usages
which must be respected in the interests of all if there is
to be such a thing as social life at all. I remember that
Odofred relates how the students in the first months of
their happy common life are very curiales towards one
another : afterwards this curialitas vanishes, and they come
to blows. It is but one step from curialitas to iniuria.
A man who is curialis in the sense in which the word
is constantly used by Salimbene,^ is a person of a sociable
and happy disposition, who feels at home in company and
puts others at their ease ; who far from vexing or annoy-
ing his neighbour, keeps his fellows in good spirits by
his own amiability. Our Statutes called those citizens
selvatici who lived an isolated life in the country and had
1 Maassen, in Sitzungsber, der phil. hist. Classe der k. Akal. d. Wiss.
Wien, 1876; LXXXIX. 251-2.
2 Boncompagni, Cedrus, I.e. 164. loculatorem P. - qui vestre cun'e... voluit
interesse, curialitati vestre attencius commendamus.
3 Chr. 1 : Valens homo, curialis et liberalis etc.
228 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
no taste for a peaceful existence within city walls, in the
levelling atmosphere of democracy. And those folk, when
forcibly transported into the city, were themselves uncom-
fortable in their new environment, and a disturbance to
those who were obliged, to their own damage, to enter
into relations with a class of people that was haughty and
not in the least curiale.
Saint Francis, when he made the wolf confess to having
been incurialis and cmdelis, certainly did not claim that
the beast had been, or became, gentile after his confes-
sion. And still less is there in the narrative what Sabatier
imagines to be there. Brother wolf, even for a wolf, had
behaved so atrociously that his chances were poor indeed
had not the Saint ananged matters for him !
The incurialitas of which the beast accuses himself
provides us by anticipation with a suggestion as to what
the wolf really is : — a poor outlaw, (as we shall shortly
see) constrained to kill and rob for his own living. And
now we understand how his ill deeds are due to a life
savage and incurialis. Brother Wolf, in a phrase we still
use, s'era dato alia macchia — he had "taken to the
woods " — : and had made himself an enemy of society
instead of imploring its pardon and pity. Curialitas pre-
supposes an honest life ; for he mingles gladly in the so-
ciety of others who meditates no assaults upon his neigh-
bours and fears none at their hands. In other words
Brother Wolf confesses to having led the life of a — wolf;
and to have committed cruel acts.
Now that the beast is a little quiet let us approach
him and see what sort of an animal he is. The wolf of
Gubbio is not different from his fellows. I remark only
one difference, and that a slight one. Once upon a time
APPENDIX III 229
wolves were much more numerous and formidable in Italy
than they are now. During the Middle Ages the lands
abandoned by agriculture were invaded by forests and
thickets, the congenial home of the lupine family. Many
names of places in Italy, such as Montelupo, Montelupone,
Lupara, Lupaiolo still remain to witness the haunts of wol-
ves, who were driven by hunger to extraordinary boldness.
Our friend Salimbene (who, at any rate, is not grudging
of his information) records how the bitter cold and the
pangs of starvation drove the wolves to enter wittim the
bounds of cities, where many were hanged and strung up
in the piazza like true and proper criminals. ' I will not
pause to make a fresh disquisition here on the mediaeval
juridical ideas as to the penal responsibility of the lower
animals. The subject is an old one, and a mere reference
to it will suffice.^
One remark I will make : that a wild beast in the
literal sense of the word might easily be interchanged with
the so-called "rational" species; by virtue of the legal
parallel. Gibbet and ruthless chase aimed at keeping off
the wolves : even ecclesiastics were exhorted to join in the
pursuit ; ^ and the Statutes of the Communes promised a
good handful of money to him who should have presented
to the city steward a sample of the hated tribe. ^
And now to draw our conclusion : the wolf who plays
1 Chr. 43. Cfr. 77, 141. The starved wolf will even eat soil I Vincent.
Bel. Spec. hist. XIX, 85.
2 /. Grimm, in Zeilschr. fiir gesch. Rechtswiss. II, 343 and Deutsche Recht-
salterth. iV ed. II, 343; Michelet, Origines du droit franjais {kd. 1890);
278 seqq. Pertile, in Atti del R. Istituto Veneto T. IV. Serie VI, an. 1886
etc. Cfr. D'Ancona, Studj di critica lett. [1880]; 338; (Novellino, No. 90).
3 Mami. XXI, 121 : Concil. Campost. an. 1014 c. 15.
4 E. g. Zdekauer, Const, del Comune di Siena for the year 1262; 80;
Bonaini, Stat, di Piia, I, 147 etc.
230 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
his part in so many Italian fairy tales, might just as well
figure also in the stories of the Fioretti. But the cities
were not troubled by wolves alone ; they were exposed
to dangers of a far more serious kind. The continual
struggles between city and city and between factions and
parties within the city's bosom ; the principle of private
vendetta — delightful legacy left by Germany ! — the syste-
matic disorder (a contradiction in terms justified by the
facts) ; created a special class of men — the banditi or
outlaws. And these, in turn, strove with all their might
to drive forth from the nest those who had cast them out,
and the grim game shewed never a sign of cessation. '
Now let us see how it is that Brother Wolf belongs
not only to the Franciscans but also to those who write
the history of Law. According to ancient German law
the latro, and hence the man to whom is refused that
which he himself has violated in others, viz : peace, is
called "Wolf* {uuargus). When the German has com-
mitted a crime of such a kind that, essentially, or by the
will of society, cannot be expiated by a legal penalty,
the community solemnly deprives him of Peace. Such a
criminal is considered as a being who has lost even the
outward form of humanity — he is a wolf, a capo lupino.
Any one may slay him with impunity, and no one ought
to give him shelter or victual. The king's "ban" puts
him outside the royal protection : he is no longer a man."^
1 Salimbene, Chr. 395-6. In the Life of Aegidius the Minorites are com-
pared to wolves, who never come out of their den, nisi pro magna necessitate :
Acta SS. T. Ill Apr. 231.
2 Wilda, Das Strafrecht der Germ., 1842; 278 seqq. Brunner, Deutsche
Rechtsgeschichle, 1879 I, 67 seqq. Kohler, Das Strafrecht der ild. Statuten
1898; 56 seqq. For the word, warg, ware, see Schade, Altdeutsches Wbrter-
buch; 1097-8.
APPENDIX III 231
And he never can become a man again unless and until
he wins "peace" again.
Over the outlaw of the Middle Ages looms this Ger-
man conception, albeit in an attenuated form. In French
he is said to be excommunie comme un loup-garou; at
Bergamo the magistrate to whom falls the function of out-
lawing has for his device a wolf's head. ' (In the Fioretti
I find traces of German thought. Brother Juniper has
Alboino in mind : he is fain to make out of his departed
friend's skull two bowls, one to eat out of, and one to
drink). ^ To resume : Brother Wolf is a personage quite
easy to recognise even under a wolf's guise. He is, in
fact, an outlaw reconciled to his city by the Saint roith
the exact forms and ceremonies prescribed b}) law and
practically observed at that epoch.
The old penalists write that it was customary for an
ecclesiastic to give to the outlaw, and receive from him,
the word of peace, in the name of those whom he had
offended. ^ In the Italian Communes there was a special
1 Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterthumer, II, 334. Stat. Berg. ed. 1749; 474-5.
2 Grimm, Geschichte der deufschen Sprache, 1848; I, 142 seqq.
3 A propos of this subject there iis a letter, which comes to mind, of Pope
Gregory 1 to Dono bishop of Messina (Ep. VI, 37 ; MG. I, 414). A certain
Giorgio — who from the tenor of the letter would have been a criminal desirous
to change his life^wished to fix his home in Messina, and with that in view
obtained from the Pope a commendatory letter to the bishop of that city : who
would thus acquire not a new Iamb but a somewhat formidable wolf, to judge by
the man's past. Gregory writes to Dono that he was induced to grant Giorgio's
request because the man a prava se promisit actione compkscere. It seems as
though the Pope himself did not place too much faith in Giorgio's good inten-
tions, for he urges the bishop of Messina revocare adhortationihus suis ad viam
Deo placiiam the erring brother, and adds : el si adiuvante Domino, ut pro-
misit, AB OMNI SE PRAVITATE SUSPENDENS, VIVERE HONESTE VOLUERIT, FRATERNITAS
VESTRA (that is, the bishop of Messina) pro mercede sua... eius sustentationi
SUBVENIAT, NK FORSITAN AD MALE AGENDUM EXCUSATIONEM SIBI EX NECESSITATE
VIDEATUR ADSUMERE.
Giorgio of Messina and Brother Wolf have a strange resemblance to one
232 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
magistracy appointed to provide for the reconciliation of
outlaws when such function was not reserved for the Po-
desta. In order to be readmitted into the city, the con-
demned man from whom the ban was removed had to
obtain peace from the offended citizens, or if the latter
had delegated the granting of peace to another, their own
ratification must be subsequently given. But that was not
enough. The outlaw was further obliged to offer, by the
most binding solemn assurances, security that in his new
life he would abstain from every form of violence. '
But I am sure that the reader must be tired of my
prose : I pass him on therefore to the pleasant reading of
the Fioretti. There he shall read a page of the penal
and civil procedure of the thirteenth century, with an
exquisite commentary thereupon. Saint Francis having
quieted the beast, addressed him thus: " I desire to make
peace between thee and them in such wise that thou shalt
not offend them an^ more, and that the"^ shall pardon
thee for all past offences and neither men nor dogs shall
any more pursue thee".
The Saint, then, as intermediary, promises peace to the
beast, and receives the like assurance from him by a shake
of the paw, a most classical mode of contracting an obli-
gation to live without giving offence to one's fellow-citizens.
Finally Francis displays Brother Wolf humbled and peni-
another. In each case it is the ecclesiastical authority that receives the promise
of amendment and gives the word of peace to the penitent ; in each case also
it is suggested most opportunely that succour be given to the newly- tamed rebel,
who, if he be well fed, becomes at once quiet and harmless. So the most
powerful incentive to a return to the wicked life is removed. How old — yet
ever new — is the figure of Frate Lupo I
''■ Nelli de S. Gem., De Bannitis ; in Tract, tract, crim. Venet. 1556;
184 seqq. Pertile, Storia del diritto italiano II ed. V, 337 seqq, Cfr. Stat, di
Ravenna del sec. XIII (Rav. 1904). R. 186.
APPENDIX HI 233
tent, to the assembled people, i. e., the company of the
offended persons. It only remains to expound the compact,
and obtain its formal approbation ; and so we read ;
** then all the people with one voice promised to give him
nourishment continually^^'. The wolf has become a harm-
less lamb. '
Now let us examine the fringe of the narrative. The
words of Sabatier at once suggest themselves : the power
of the saints even over animals is most mighty ; and it is
not worth while to collect examples of it. But here we
no longer agree with Sabatier. I choose from the nar-
ratives those that most closely resemble the miracle of Gubbio.
To begin with, in a redaction of the famous work
known as Gesta Romanorum we read how a city was
beleagered by venomous beasts, among which the worst of
all was a dragon, who demanded of the citizens nothing
less than an animal every day, ou pain of devouring men :
unum animal, aliter homines devorasset.' More wonderful
still are the old miracles of the De Vitis Patrum. A
hyena knocks with its head at the cell of Macarius : it
wishes the hermit to restore the sight to its little blind cub,
and it obtains this boon. There is gratitude even among
hyenas : the savage beast comes back to the wonder-worker
bearing the gift of a sheep's hide. The Saint reflected
that the hide was indication of a crime committed through
gratitude by the beast, to whom he trenchantly declares:
"I do not accept criminal gifts". Hyaena autem humi
inclinato capite, genu flectehat ad pedes sancti, et ponebat
pellem. Ipse autem ei dicebat: Dixi me non accepturum,
1 Hist. Laus. c. 52; in Migne, LXXIII, 1159: ex lupo in simplicem el
innocentem agnum mutatum ; cfr. Actus 79 : iam factua quasi agnus ex lupo.
2 Ed. Dick, c. 217 [230].
234 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
nisi iuraveris te non amplius offensuram pauperes, come-
dendo eorum oves. Ilia vero ad hoc quoque capite suo
annuit ^ Brother Wolf also does the same, se ingenicu-
lans cum inclinatione capitis, but being more au fait with
polite customs, he does not forget to hold out his paw in
token of good faith. ^ Still, the attitude of the two beasts
is identical. ^
The compiler of the Legend of Gubbio had in mind
also other beasts who had shewn themselves amenable to
the commands of friars or respectful to saints. For instance
Florentius, who had need of a guardian for his flocks,
invoked the aid of God. And lo! up comes a bear,
qui dutn ad terram caput deprimeret, nihilque feritatis in
suis motihus demonstraret, aperte dabat intelligi, quod ad
viri Dei ohsequium venisset. But alas ! monkish spitefulness
knows no bounds ! Florentius became extremely fond of
his bear, honest guardian of his flocks, quern ex simplicitate
multa FRATREM vocare consueverat. But his fellow-monks
of another convent, jealous of the miracle killed his be-
loved beast ! "^ Brother Bear was in truth more of a gen-
tleman than Brother Wolf, yet his end was less happy;
for Frate Lupo passed peacefully away as a retired pen-
sioner among the people of Gubbio.
The same book that has given us Frate Orso, viz :
the Dialogues of Gregory the Great, speaks also of another
formidable bear.
It is well known that in the Gothic period the orthodox
clergy took sides with the Greeks. Cerbonius, bishop of
1 Hist. Uus. c. 19, 20 1. c. 1118.
2 Actus, 81.
3 Arch. Giur. LXX, ( 1 903) ; Tamaasia, Fidem facere.
4 Dial. Ill, 15.
APPENDIX III 235
Populonia dared to give shelter to certain imperial soldiers,
to protect them from the persecution of king Totila. Un-
fortunately for the bishop, the king himself came up, caught
Cerbonius red-handed, and condemned him to a most cruel
death. A monstrous bear was told off to devour the
poor prelate. Preparations are made for the bloody spec-
tacle ; great crow^ds assemble, excited by the morbid tra-
ditions of the Circus. Episcopus deductus in medium est...
Dimissus... ursus ex cavea est, qui accensus et concitus
Episcopum petiit, sed subito suae feritatis ohlitus, deflexa
cervtce, suhmissoque humiliter capite, lambere Episcopi
pedes coepit... Tunc populus, qui ad spectaculum venerat
mortis, magno clamore, versus est in admirationem vene-
rationis. "
Brother Wolf did just the same as soon as he saw
Saint Francis. Multis cementibus de locis in quibus ad
spectandum ascenderant, lupus ille terribilis contra S. Fran-
ciscum et socium aperto ore cucurrit... Statim se ad pedes
sancti, iam factus quasi agnus ex lupo, capite, inclinato,
prostravit... Omnes ad plateam simul convenerunt... tunc
omnes ibi congregati cum clamore valido promiserunt...
Et facta est tanta admiratio... ut omnes clamarent ad
sidera.
Here we have the missing stones of our broken mosaic.
The Franciscan has worked in Gregorian and pre-Gregorian
fragments into its representation of the wolf-outlaw and the
figure of the Saint of Assisi.
A little learned pedantry reveals the old work that lies
underneath the surface. What then ? Art is justified,
and the Fioretti, be they Franciscan or not, will always
I Dial. III. 11.
236 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
be read. Before it becomes a statue, that on which art
works is — raw material and thought. Neither of these is
created by the artist, who yet well deserves his name
when he works with such grace as is shewn by the friar,
or friars, responsible for the authorship of the Fioretti.
And what about the answer to Papini's question? It
is easy and certain. We may say that the miracle of
Gubbio began to be written when the Historia Lausiaca
was put together. It was continued by Gregory the Great,
and finished by the authors of the Actus. It seems as
though the Saint of Assisi were like the sun. The buds
that sleep within their winter covering, warmed by his
beams, awake... and burst into flower.
APPENDIX IV
INDEX OF THE SOURCES OF THE
"FIORETTI"
Flor. No. 1. Actus B. Fr. N. 1.
Fior. No. 2. Actus B. Fr. N. H 10 seqq. - 5. August. Confess.
Vm, 12. Vita Ant. c. 2. Migne, Patr. Lat. LXXUI, 127.
Fior. No. 3. Actus B. Fr. N. 2 - Thorn. Vita I, 53 ; Rosedale, 45.
Fior. No. 4. Actus B. Fr. N. 3 - "Regula a. 1221 c. 3, 9, 14;
a. 1223. c. 3.
Fior. No. 5. Actus B. Fr. N. 4.
Fior. No. 6. Actus B. Fr. N. 5 - Qen. XXVII.
Fior. No. 7. Actus B. Fr. N. 6 - Qreg. M. Dial. II, 1.
Fior. No. 8. Actus B. Fr. N. 7 - Thorn. Vita II. ^Rosedale, 75.
Cfr. Math. V. 10 seqq. Paul. I Cor. XIII.
Fior. No. 9. Actus B. Fr. N. 8 - Thorn. Vita I. 20; ^Rosedale,
43. Migne, Op. c. 744, 751. Cfr. Dial. cit. I, 5. Cfr. Prima con-
siderazione delle stimmate.
Fior. No. 10. Actus B. Fr. No. 10 - Dial. cit. II. 20; Migne,
Op. cit. %1. 1034.
Fior. No. 11. Actus B. Fr. N. 1 1 - Cfr. 10 and 12.
Fior. No. 12. Actus B. Fr. N. 12 - Migne, Op. cit. 949-50;
984.
Fior. No. 13. Actus B. Fr. N. 13 - Migne, Op. cit. 263 ; Vita
Pack. c. 45.
Fior. No. 14. Actus B. Fr. N. 14 - Migne, Op. cit. 263.
Fior. No. 15. Actus B. Fr. N. 15 - Dial. cit. II, 33 ; cfr. Migne,
Op. c. 759-61.
Fior. No. 16. Actus B. Fr. N. 16 - Thorn. Vita I ; 58; 'T^ose-
dale, 48.
Fior. No. 17. Actus B. Fr. N. 19 - Greg. M. Horn, in Evang.
II, 34; N. 18.
Fior. No. 18. Actus B. Fr. N. 20 - Migne, Op. cit. 438 seqq.
Fior. No. 19. Actus B. Fr. N. 21 - Dial. cit. I. 9.
238 SAINT FRANCIS OF ASSISI
Fior. No. 20. Actus B. Fr. N. 22 - Caes. Dial. mir. IV, 4; ed.
Strange I, 175,
Fior. No. 21. Actus B. Fr. N. 23 - See Appendix III.
Fior. No. 22. Actus B. Fr. N. 24.
Fior. No. 23. Actus B. Fr. N. 26 - Vita S. loan. Eleem. c. 16;
Migne, Op. cit. 354-5 ; cfr. Caes. Ill, 24.
Fior. No. 24. Actus B. Fr. N. 27 - Thorn. Vita I, 57. "Rosedale,
47. Cfr. Caes. X, 24.
Fior. No. 25. Actus B. Fr. N. 28 - (Lepers).
Fior. No. 26. Actus B. Fr. N. 29 - See Appendix II.
Fior. No. 27. Actus B. Fr. N. 36-37.
Fior. No. 28. Actus B. Fr. N. 30 - Cfr. Tiegula c. 3.
Fior. No. 29. Actus B. Fr. N. 31 - Migne, Op. cit. 266, 290.
(Vita Pach. c. 48 and Vita Abrahae c. 15).
Fior. No. 30. Actus B. Fr. N. 32.
Fior. No. 31. Actus B. Fr. N. 35 - Migne, op. cit. 256-7; Vita
Pach. c. 38.
Fior. No. 32.
Fior. No. 33, Actus B. Fr. N. 43 - Dial. cit. I, 1 1 ; cfr. II, 3
e Acta SS. T. I Jul. 164.
Fior. No. 34. Actus B. Fr. N. 46.
Fior. No. 35. Actus B. Fr. N. 45 - Cfr. Fior. N. 15.
Fior. No. 36. Actus B. Fr. N. 59 - Migne, op. cit. 262 ; cfr.
Haureau, Mem. de 1' Inst, national de France, XXVIII, 2 ; 248
note 2. Cfr. Jacques de Vitry, Exempla ed. Crane; N. 19.
Fior. No. 41. Cfr. Fior. N. 43. Episode of Silvanus ; M/gne, op.
cit. 255. Novellino, 15; cfr. D'Ancona, Studj di critica e storia let-
teraria, Bol. 1880; 308-9. Cfr. also Dial. cit. 11, 4.
Fior. No. 42. Actus B. Fr. N. 53 - Caes. IX, 50 ; VIII, 2.
Fior. No. 43. Actus B. Fr. N. 50 - Episode of Silvanus; Migne,
op, cit. 252. Legend of the Two Companions : S. P. 'Dam. op, I,
102 (Ep. VI, 20), Greg. M. Dial. cit. IV, 55. Jacques de Vitry,
Ex. N, 31 ; Migne, LXXII, 167-8, Cfr, Passavanti, Specchio della
vera penitenza, Dist. IV, 1-2, Haureau, 1. c, 238, Schonhacb, in
SB, Ak. Wiss, Wien CXXXIX. 1 seqq.
Fior. No. 44. V, Patr. Tioswe^de, 875, Caes. VII, 9, 16, 17,
19. 20, 21, 22, 23; III, 21 ecc,
Fior. No, 45. Actus B, Fr, N. 69 - Cfr. Fior. N. 41, 43.
Fior. No. 46.
Fior. No. 47. Actus B. Fr. N. 68 - Caes. VII, 47; XI, 4; cfr.
Dial. cit. IV, 47,
Fior. No. 47, Hist, tribul. Ord. Min. ed. Ehrle, in Arch, fiir
APPENDIX IV 239
Litteratur-und Kirchengesch. des Mitelalt., II, 279-81 . Migne, LXXIII,
962. Arhor vitae etc. ib. 262 ; V. Pach. c. 45. Cfr. Fior. N. 36.
Fior. No. 49. Actus B. Fr. N. 54 - Caes. VIII, 13.
Fior. No. 50. Actus B. Fr. N. 56 - Greg. M, Dial. IV, 55 ;
Caes. XII, 33.
Fior. No. 51. Actus B. Fr. N. 57 - Cfr. Fior. N. 43.
Fior. No. 52. Actus B. Fr. N. 51 - Caes. VIII, 39.
Fior. No. 5i. Actus B. Fr. N. 52 - Caes. IX, 27, 32.
CLASSIFIED CATALOGUE
OF
T. FISHER UNWIN'S
PUBLICATIONS.
CONTENTS.
I. — INDEX of Authors, some Illustrators and Editors
PAGES
iii — vii
II. — INDEX in order of Titles, including a list of Mr, Unwin's various series
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INDEX ot AUTHORS, some ILLUSTRATORS, and EDITORS. iii
n
INDEX of AUTHORS, some
ILLUSTRATORS, and EDITORS.
PAGE PAGE
Abrahams, Israel i, 79 de Benyowsky, Count 46
Adam.Mme. Edmond 38 Bernhard, Oscar 85
Adams, Arthur H.- 8 j Berry, T. W 77,8,5
Adams, Francis 66 ! Besant, Annie 38
Adams, W. Auguste 3 | Bigelow, John 33
Aesop 83 i Bindloss, Harold 66
Aho, Juhani 8 { Birch, Walter de Gray 47
Albright, Mrs. W. .A 59 Blacker, J . F 35
Alexander, Mrs 8, 85 ! Blake, Bass 11
Alien 8 1 Blake, B. C 11
Allardyce, Paul 77 } Blind, Mathilde 3, 74
Amber, Miles 8 | Bliss, Rev. Edwin M 47
Andreief, Leonidas 8 Blond (Set Le Blond).
Andrews, Katharine 8 Bloom, J . Harvey 35
Arbuthnot, Sir A. J 39 Blount, Mrs. George 11
Archer, Laura M. Palmer
Archer, T. A 47
Archer, William S
Armstrong, I. J
Arnold, A. S. .
Aronson, V. R.
Blunt, Wilfrid Scawen ....48, 59
Blytb, Edmond Kell 77
Bodkin, M. McDonnell 11
Boissier, Gaston 66
39 ' Boland, Mary A 81
59 i Bolsche, Wilhelm 41
Askew, Alice and Claude . . 8, 87 i Bolt, Ben 11
Austin, Mrs. Sarah 43 I Bon (See Le Bon);
Axon, William E. A 60 ! Bond, J. A. Walpole- 77
j Bonner, Hypathia Bradlaugh 38
Bacheller, Irving 9 I Booth, Eva Gore 65
Badham, F. P 77 j Boulger, Demetrius C 40
Bailey, E. E. J 1 : Bourget, Paul 11
Baillie-Saunders, Margaret. . . 9 : Bourinot, Sir John G 48
Baker, Ernest, A 66 ■ Bousset, W 77
Baker, H. Barton , 91 Boutray, Emile 33
Baker, James g \ BowacK, William Mitchell ... 59
Bamford 59 : Bowen, Ivor 59
Banfield, E. J 66 ; Boweii-Rowlands, Lilian .... 11
Baring-Gould, S 47 i Bowles, Thomas Gibson 59
Barlow, Jane 9 Boxall. G. E 74, 48, 59
Barnett, Canon 59 | Boyesen, Prof. Hjalmar H. . . . 48
Barr, AmeHa E 9, 85 Bradley, Henry 48
Barr, Walter 10 j Brainerd, E. H 11
Barry, William 10, 47 j Bray, Reginald A 60, 77
Barth, Dr. Theodor 60 ' Breda, G. H ii.
Bartram, George 10 I Brentano 82
Basile, Giambattista 82 Brereton, Austin 48
Bastian, H. Charlton 74 i Bridgett, T. E 77
Bateson, Mary 47 j Bright, Allan H 60
Batey, John 85 ] Brightwen, Mrs 38, 74
Bealby, J. T 10 j Broda, Rodolphe 87
Bearne, Catherine A 47 | Bromley, A. W 85
Beauclerk, Lady Diana 35 j Brooke, Magdalene 11
Beaumont, Francis 5 ' Brooke. Rev. Stopford A 33
Beavan, Arthur Hr 74 ! Brookes, L. Elliott 85
Beazley, C. Raymond 39 ' Brookfield, Arthur 83
Becke, Louis 10, 43 j Brooks, Geraldine 48
Beckman, Ernest 82, 83 : Brown, Charles Reynolds 60, 77
Beckworth, James P 461 Brown, Francis 60
Beers, Henry A i i Brown, Madox 83
Bell, Robert 74 ! Browne, Prof. Edw. G 1
Bellermann, Ludwig 7 . Browne, Gordon 84
Benjamin, S. G. W 47 Browne, Haji A 48
Benson, Robert Hugh 77 : Browne, H. .Moigan 60
Bentley, Arthur F 59 j Bruce, Mary L 44
PAGE
Briickner, A i
Brunetiere, Ferdinand i
Buchanan, A.J 67
Buchanan, Alfred 11
Buchanan, Robert 11
Buckmaster, J . C 60
Buel, Clarence C 48
Bulfin, W 67
BuUen, Frank T ir
Burne-Jones, Edward 5
Bums, John 63
Burns, Robert 5
Burrard, W. Dutton 11
Burton, E. de Witt 77
Butler, Lewis 48
Butler, W. F 48
Byles, Rev. John 82
Byrde, Margaretta 11
Byron, Lord 70
Cable, G. W
Cadbury, Edward
Caddick, Helen
Caird, Lindsay H
Caird, Mona
Callahan, Tames Horton
Cameron, V. Lovett
Campbell, R. J
Campbell, Mrs. Vers
Canning, Albert S. G
Capes, Bernard
Capuana, Luigi
Carey, Charles
Carducci, Giosue
Carlile, W. and Victor W
Carroll, Lewis
Carse, Roland 48,
Cartwright, Mrs. Edward ....
Caryl, Valentine
Cayley, George John
Cayley-Webster, H
de Cervantes, Miguel
Cesaresco, Countess Martin-
engo 34, 39, 49, 67,
Chamberlain, Charles J
Chambers, R. W
Chapman, George
Chesson, Nora
Chevalier, Albert
Chomley.C. H
Choyce, James
Chrichfield, George VV
Christy, Robert
Church, Prof. Alfred J
Clare, Austin
Clark., H. A
Clayden,P.'W
Cleeve, Lucas
Clcrigb, Arthur
Clifford, Hugh
Clifford, Mrs. W. K
49 !
67 I
13
T. FISHER UNWIN'S PUBLICATIONS.
INDEX of AUTHORS, some ILLUSTRATORS, and EDITORS.— co«W.
PAGE
Clyde, Constance i3
Cobbleigh, Tom 13
Cobden, Richard 39. 60
Cole, Timothy 35
Coleridge, Lord 39, 49
Collet, Collet Dobson 60
Collingw'ood, S. D 35, 39
CoUodi, C 82, 83
Compton, Henry 46
Congdon, Charles T 4°
Congreve, William 5
Conrad, Joseph 13
Conway, Sir William Martin . . 67
Cooke, Frances E 83
Coolidge, W. A. B 67
Copinger, W. A 49
Corkran, Henriette 13
Cornaby, W. A 67
Cornish, Vaughan 67
Costelloe, Ray 13
Cotterell, Constance 13
Courlander, Alphonse 13
Courtney, Leonard 60
Cowper,' William 4
Cox, Harold 60, 61
Cox, Palmer 83
Cox, Rev. Samuel 77
Crampton , George 13
Crawford, F. Marion 13
de Crespigny, Mrs. Philip
Champion 13
Crockett, S. R 13
Crompton, Henry 61
Crottie, JuJiaM 14
Cruiksbank, George 82
Cruso, H. A. A 4
Dale.T.F 86
Dalin, Talmage 14
Dalton, Moray 14
Dalziel, James 14
Dana, Chas. A 85
Danson, John Towne 61
Daudet, .\lphonse 82, 83
Davenport, Arthur 67
Davenport, Herbert Joseph.. 61
Davids, T. W. Rhys 49
Davidson, Augusta M. Camp-
bell 68
Davidson, Lillias Campbell. . . 14
Davies, Mary 81
Davis, Richard Harding 68
Davis, Thomas 49, 87
Dawson, W. Harbutt
Dean, Mrs. Andrew 14
Deasy, H. H. P 68
Defoe, Daniel 82, 83
von Degen 14
Degeuer, Herman A. L 86
Dekker, Thomas 5
De la.Rey, Mrs. General 40
Dethridge, G. Olivia 33
Dew-Smith, Mrs 14
Dewsnup, Ernest R 61
Dickeson, Alfred 14
Dietrich, Max 85
Dietzel, H 6
Dieulafoy, Marcel Auguste ... 49
Digby, William 68
Dillon, B. J 78
Dittrich, Hermann 35, 75
Dodge, Walter Phelps 39, 49, 83
Douglas, Sir George 3
Douglas, Prof. R. K 49
Dowie, Menie Muriel 46
Drachman, Holger 14
Drosines, Georgios. . . .14, 82, 83
Drury, Robert 46
PAGE
Dryden, John 5
DiJbi, H 67
Duff, J.Wight I
Duffy, Bella 49
Duffy, Sir Chas. Gavan
33. 39. 40, 49. 87
Duhamel, H 67
Du Maurier 36
Dumillo, Alice 14
Dunckley, Henry 60
Dundas, Christian 14
Diintzer, Heinrich 40
Dutt. Romesh 14
Dutt, W. A 68
Dyer, John 4
van Dyke, John C 35
Dyke, Watson 14
Eastwick, Robert W 46
von Ebner-Eschenbach, Marie 14
Echegaray, Don Jos6 4
Eckenstein, Oscar 68
Edwards, Owen M 49, 87
van Eeden, F 14
Egerton, Hugh B 43
Eivind, R 83
Elias, Frank 61
tliot, George 68
lizabeth of England, Prin-
cess 40
Ellenberger, Professor 35
Elliott, Ebenezer 61
Ellis, Havelock 56
Blphinstone, Lady 78
Elster, Ernst 4
Emerson, Ralph Waldo 40
Enock, C. Reginald 68
Erskine, Mrs. Steuart 35
Escott. T. H.S 49, 61
Evans, Howard 42
Evans, S. Hope 83
Evans, Thomas W 40
Evans, W. Sandford 85
Bwald, Alex.C 5
Eyre-Todd, George 44
Faguet, Emile i
Falconer, Lanoe 14
Farge iSee La Farge).
Farquhar, George 5
Farrer, J. A 14
Farrow, G. E 84
Fawcett, Mrs. Henry 65
Fegan, Bertie 86
Ferguson, Sir Samuel 14, 87
Ferri, Prof. Enrico 33
Field, Michael 4
Findlay, Frederick R. N 68
Fisher, Harrison 35
Fisher, Lala 11
Fitz-Gerald.B.A 68
Fitzgerald, Percy. .15, 35,41, 50
Fitzmaurice-Kelly, J 40
Flammarion, Camille 75
Fletcher, J. S 15
Fletcher, John 5
Flowerdew, Herbert 15
Fogazzaro, Antonio 15
Ford, Douglas 44
Ford, John 5
Ford, Mary 83
Foreman, John 68
Forrest, J . Dorsey 50
Forrest, R. E 15
Forster, L. M 81
Foster, George Burman 78
Foster, J. J 35, 50
Foster, Sir Michael 38
PAGE
Frapan, lUe 15
Eraser, Join. 15
Frazer, K. W i, 50
Frederic, Harold 15
Freeman, Prof. E. A 50
French, Henry Willard 15
Fuller, Margaret 40
Furness, Annette 15
Furniss, Harry 36
Gaggin, John 68
Gambler, J . W 40
Ganconagh (W. B. Yeats) .... 24
Gannon, John P 50
Gardiner, A. G 62
Gardiner, J. H 78
Gardner, W. J 50
Gamett, Richard 4, 45
Gebuza 6x
Geen, Philip 85
George, E. A 78
Gertrude, Aunt 82
Gibb, B. J. W. 52
" Gil" 13
Gilman, Arthur 50, 5a
Gilman, Daniel Coit 78
Gissing, George 13
Glover, John R 42
Goethe, W 4
Gomme, G. Lawrence .... 50, 61
Goodenough, Rev. G 86
Gordon, Charles 30
Gordon, H. Laing 44
Gordon, Lady Duff 43
Gordon, William Clark 33
Gorky, Maxim 15
Gosse, Edmund 6
Gould, F. Carruthers 61,84
Gould, G. M 40
Grace, R. W 84
Graham, R. B. Cunninghame . 68
Grant, Daniel 62
Graves, Alfred Perceval. . .43, 87
Gray, E. Conder 40
Gray, Thomas 50, 73
Greeley, Horace 40
Green, Anna Katherine 16
Greene, Robert 5
Gregory, Lady 34
Gribble, Francis 68
Grieve, Ed. B 86
Griffiths, D.R 16
Griffiths, Arthur 16, 50
Guarracino, Beatrice 81
Guest, Lady Charlotte 16, 87
Guyer, Michael F 75
Gwynn, Stephen 36
Gyp 16
Hackwood, F. W 86
Haldane, Richrad Burton 62
Hale, Susan 50
Hales, A. G 16
Hall, Charles Cuthbert 78
Hall, Moreton 4
Hall, R. N 68
Halp^rine-Kaminski, H 46
Hamilton, Cosmo 15
Hamilton, Lord Ernest 14
Hannah, J. E 50
Hardie, J. Keir 65
Harding, Ellison 15
Hardy, Rev. E. J.
16, 41, 68, 78, 81, 87
Harland, Marian 81
Harper, S. Ecclcston 32
Harper, William Rainy 78
Harrison, Mrs. Burton 16
T. FISHER UNWIN'S PUBLICATIONS.
INDSX of AUTHORS, some ILLUSTRATORS, and EDITORS. -co»W.
PAGE
Harrison, Mrs. Darent i6
Harrison, Jane E 36
Harting, J. E 75
Harvie-Brown, J . A 75
Hasen, Ch. Downer 50
Hasler, G 67
Hatfield, Henry Rand 86
Hauff, Wilhelm 83
Hawkesworth, Alfred 69
Hay, John 42
Hay, William 16
Hayden, Arthur 36
Heine, Heinrich 4
Heinemann, Karl 4
Hemaiis, Mrs 87
Hennessey, J . W 83
Henshaw, Julia W 16
Henson, H. He&sley 78
Henty, G. A 16, 85
Herbert, George...... 4, 7S, 87
Herford, C. H 5
Herrick, Christine Terhune ... 81
Herring, Frances E 69
Hertz, Gerald Berkeley 50
Hertz-Garten. Theodor 16
Heywood, Thomas 5
Heywood, William 69
Hicks, John W 86
Hill, Edmund L 4
Hill, Geoffry 78
Hill, George Birkbeck 43
Hill, Robert T. '. 69
Hindlip, Lord 69
Hinkson, H. A 17
Hirst, Francis W 62
Hobbes, John Oliver ..4,, 17, 69
Hobhouse, L. T 62
Hobson, J. A 63, 69
Hocking, Silas K 17
Hodgson, W. B 62
Hoffmann, E. T. A 83
Hogan, James Francis 62
Holdsworth, Annie E 17
Holmes, Timothy 38
Holyoake, George Jacob 41 , 62 , 86
Honeyman, C.'van Doren .... 69
Hornbv, F. M 33
Horne,H. P 6
Homiman, Roy 18
Horridge, Frank 41
Horrwitz, Ernest i
Horton, R.F 78
Hosmer, Prof. James K 50
Houghton, Louis Seymore. .. . 50
Howard, George Elliott. .51, 78
Howe, Frederic C. 62
Howell, George 62
Hueffer, Ford H 62,83
Hudson, W. H £3
Hug, Lina Si
Hugessen, Knatchbull 83
Hulbert, H. B 73
Hulme, F. E 75
Hume, Martin A. S. ..43, 5i, 72
Humphrey, Fraok Pope i8
gumphrey, Mrs.. 18, 81
ungerford, Mrs 18
Hyde, Douglas 2, 5, 78, 87
Ibsen, Henrik 5
Indicus 69
Ingersoll, Ernest 75
Iron, Ralph (Olive Schreiner) . 26
Irving, Edward 75
Irving, Fanny Belle 18, 85
Irwin, H. C 18
James, David H 51
PACK
Jane, L. Cecil 51
Japp, Alex. H 41
Javelle, Emile 69
Jay, Harriett 38
Jcbb, Louisa 69
Jeffery, Walter 11, 18, 43
Jenkins, Rhys 86
Jenks, Edward 51
Jennings, Edward W 18
Jephson, Henry 62
Jephson, Julie 38
Jepson, Edgar 18, 84, 87
Jernigan,T. R 62
Jerningham, Sir Hubert 18
Jessopp, Augustus ... .18, 33, 51
Jewett, Sarah Orne 51
Johnson, Robert U 51
Johnson, T. Broad wood 69
Jones, David Brynmor 51
Jones, H. Stuart 51
J ones, W. Lewis 2
Jonson , Ben 5
usserand.J.J 2, 33, 52
de Kantzow, Alfred 3
Keary, C. F 18
Keene, Charles 37
Keller, Gottfried 18
Kelly, J.P.J 52
Kenjpster, Aquila 18
Kerr, S. Parnell 69
Kettle, Rose Mackenzie ..19, 85
Kiesow, E. L 85
Kildare, Owen 19
King, Clarence 69
king, Irving 78
King, Joseph 62
King, Richard Ashe ....44, 87
Kingsford , C. L 47
Kinross, Albert 19
Kitson, Arthur 63
Knight, William 39
Ko, Ta Sein 78
Kolokorones, Theodore 46
Korolenko, V 19
Kroeker, Kate Freiligrath ..83
Kruger, Paul 41
Kruger, Gustav 78
Kurz, Louis 67
La Farge 69
Lambe, J . Lawrence 19
Landon, Mary 19
Lane, Ralph 63
Lane-Poole, Stanley 5a
Langbridge, Rosamond 19
Langland, WiUiam 2
Latane, John H 52, 63
Lanyon, H. St. Martin 19
Laurenson, Arthur 41
Laverton, Mrs. H. S 19
Law, Alice 3
Lawless, Emily 53
Lawson, Sir Wilfrid 61
Lawton, Frederick 36 42
Lear. Edward 45
Le Blond, Mrs. Aubrey. . . .69, 70
Lebon, Andr6 52
Le Bon, Gustave 33
Lee, Vernon 19, 33, 52
Lee-Hamilton, Eugene 19
Legge, Helen Edith 36
Leigh, M. Cordelia 79
LelandCh. G. (" Breitmann ") 19
Lentheric, Charles 70
Leroy-Beaulieu, P 60
Levasseur, R 63
Levy, Amy 5
Lewis, Frank C: 20
PAGE.
Leyds, W. J 52
Liddcll, Arthur R 85
Lilly, W. S 52
Litta, Duke 20
Little, A. G 52
Little, Mrs. Archibald ....2C, 70
Lloyd, Albert B 70
Lloyd, H. D 63
Lloyd, Wallace 20
Locke, James 20
Loeb, Jacques 75
Lombroso, Prof. C 34
Lonergan, W. F 52
Lord, Walter Frewen 42
Lorraine, Rupert 20
Low, Sidney 63
Lowes, Mrs -^t
Lucas, Alice 79
Lumsden, James 70
Lunn, Henry S 63
Lynch, E. M .20, 87
Lyons, A. Neil 20
Lyons, Albert E in
Lyttelton, Edith 5
Mac, J 70
McAulay, Allan 20
MacBride, MacKenzie 20
McCarthy, Justin 42,52
McClelland, J 63
McCormick, A. D 67
MacDerraott, Martin 34, 87
MacDonagh, Michael . .39, 40, 87
Macdonald, Alexander 70
Macdonaid, George 20
Macdonald, Leila 5
Macdonald, Robejrt 84
von Mach, Richard 63
Mcllraith, J.R .58
Mcllwraith, J. N ;83
McKendrick, John G 41
Mackintosh, C. W 39
Mackintosh, John 53
McMahan, A. Benneson 7°
McManus, Blanche 84
MacManus, James 20
McManus, L 20
MacphaJl, Andrew 79
Macy, J esse 63
Maddison, F 42
Magnay, Sir William so
Mahaffy, Prof. J. P 53
Malet, Lucas 34
Mallet, Sir Louis 60, 63 66
Mallik, Manmath C 34, 70
Mann, Mary E 21, 87
Marble, Annie Russell 2
Mario, Jessie White 44, 53
Mark, H. Thiselton 79
Marlowe, Christopher 6
Marquis, T. G 21
Marsh, R'chard 21
Marshall, Thomas 34
Martin, Alfred Jf 79
Martyn, Edward 21
Martyn, Ethel K 33
Mason, Eugen 5
Maspero, G 53
Massey, Gerald 53
Massinger, Philip 6
Massingham, H. W 63
Masson, Gustave 53
Masterman, C. F. G 34 > 62
Mathews, Shailer 77, 79
I Maude, Edwin 42
Maugham, W. Somerset 21
Maurice, C. Edmund 53
du Maurier, G 36
T. FISHER UNWIN'S PUBLICATIONS.
PAGE
Mayne, Ethel Colbuni 2 1 j
Mazzanti, C. 83
Mazzini, Joseph 79
Meade, Mrs. L. T 3i, 85
Meakin, Budgett 63
Meirion, Ellinor 21
Mencken, Henry L 34
Middleton, Thomas 6
MikouUtch, V 2t
Milford, L. S 53
Millar, J. H a
Miller, Frank Justus 6
Miller, William 53. 7°
Mills, B. J 2
Mills, Wesley 75
Milne, James 21
Milyoukov, Paul 63
Minns, BUis H i
Mistral, Fr6d6ric 6
Mitchell, S. Weir 2i, 45
Moffat, John Smith 42
Molesworth, Mrs 83
de Molinari, G 63
de Montagnac, Noel 7i
Montagu, Lily H 21
de Montalban, D. J. P 40
Montgomery, K. L 2 1
Moore, A. W 53
Moore, George 6, 21, 34
Morel, B. D 63
Morfill, W. R 3 4
Morley, John 39
Morris, Mrs. Frank 83
Morris, Lydia J 42
Morrison, W. Douglas. ... 34, 54
Moscheles, Felix 36
Mosso, Angelo 36, 71
Mottram, William 2
Miigge, M. A 34
Muir, Robert James 22, 34
Mummery, A. F 71
Murray, David 54
Murray, J. Clark 22
Myron, A. Kiel 6
Needham, Raymond 54
Negri, Gaetano 79. 4I1 54
Nelson, Jane 22
Nesbit, B 22, 84
Newman, Edward 75
Newton, John 38
Nicholson, Brinsley 6
Nicholson, F. C 5
Nicholson, L 6
Nicholson, R. A 2
Nicolay, John G 42
Nicolson, Arch. K. 83
Nietzsche, Friedrich 34
Nieuwenkamp, VV. O. J; 3'
Noble, M. A; 86
Noel, Roden 6, 64
Nordau, Max 36
Norman, Henry 71
Norman-Neruda 71
Normyx 22
Norris, W. B: 22
Northcote, James 36
Ober, F. A 71
O'Brien, R: Barry 54, 64, 83
O'Clerigh, Arthur 49
O'Connor, T.P 38,54
O'Donnell, C. J 64
Ogilvie, Will H 71
O'Grady, Standish. . .22, 83, 87
Olcott, Lucy 69
Oliphant, Mrs 22, 83
Oliver, S: P 46
Oman, C. W; C 54
PAGK
Oman, John Campbell 79
Omond,' G. W. T 22
Oppenheim, A. 1 75
Orczy, Baroness 22
Orsi, Prof Pietro 54
Otway, Thomas 5
Ouida 22
Onthwaite, R. M 12
Owen, Charles 22
Page, H. A 43
Paget, Stephen 41
Pain, Barry 22, 87
Pais, Ettore 54
Pankhurst, Mrs 65
Parke, A. J 37
Parker, Theodore 79
Parsons, John Denham 76
Paulsen, Friedrich 79
Payne, J . F 44
Pennell, Charles 37
Pennell, Elizabeth Robins .... 36
Pennell, Joseph 36
de Pentheny, S: 22
Perrin, F 67
Pfleidcrer, Otto 79
Phelps, William Lyon 5
Philpott, Hugh B 80
Pidgin, Charles F 22
Pike, G. Holden 39, 43, 45
Pike, OUver G 76
Pink, Alfred 82
Pinnock, James 7r
Pinsent, Ellen F 22
Pinto, Ferd. Mendez 46
Pitt-Lewis, G 41
Playne, C. B 22
Plowden, A. C 43
de Polen, Narcisse 23
Porter, C 7
Potapenko, J 23
Pott, F. L. Hawks 54
Power, D'Arcy 41
Praed, Mrs. Campbell ....23, 43
Presland, John 6
Prichard, K. and Hesketh 23
Proal, Louis 34
Pryce, G 23
PuUen-Burry, B 71
Pusey, S. E. Bouverie 54
Pyle, Howard 46
de Quevedo, Francisco 37
Quin, Ethel Ji
Ragozin, Z&iaide A 54
Ravenshear, A. F 64
Ravenste'n, G. B 80
Rawlinson, Professor Geonjo . 55
Rea, Thomas 3
Read, C. Stanford 82
Reeth, Allan 25
Reid, Forrest 25
van Rensselaer, Mrs 37
Roy, Guido 71
Rhead, G. WooUiscroft 37
Rhys, Ernest 5
Rhys, John 55
Richardson, Mrs. Aubrey .... 25
Richardson, E 6
Richings, Emily 25
Richmond, Mrs 76
Riley, Thomas 83
Rita 25
Robinson, A. Mary F 6
Robinson, Paschal 80
Roche, James Jeffrey 46
Rodgers, Joseph 7i
Rodway, James 55, 72
PAGE
Rogers, Thorold 55, 64
Ronald, M'ary 82
Roosevelt, Florence 25
Roosevelt, Theodore 72
Rosegarth, Brian 25
Rosegger, Peter 25
Ross, J anet 34
Rossetti, Dante Gabriel 34
Rowbotham, F. Jameson 25,55,84
Rowlands, Lilian Bowen .... 25
Rowsell, Mary 83
Roxby, Percy M 40
Rudaux, L 76
Russell, Charles E 64
Russell, Sir Edward 34
Russell, George W. B 34
Russell, T. Baron 34
Russell, W. Clark 25
Rutherford, Mark 25
I^yley, J. Horton 40
Ryves, K. C 26
Sabatier, Paul 64, 80
St. Hilaire, Philippe 26
St. John, Sir Spencer 38
Saintsbury , George 65
Sala, George Augustus 26
Sanders, Newton 26
Santayana, George 7
Sarnia 26
Scaife, A. H 55
Schallenberger, V 26
Schiller, Friedrich 7
von Schlicht, Baron 26
Schmidt, Max 34
Schmidt, Rudolph 76
Schreiner, C. S. Cronwright . . 65
Schreiner, Olive 26, 65
SchuUer, Leo Sarkadi 7
Scidmore, Eliza Ruhamah... 72
Scotson-Clark 37
Scott, Sir Walter 26
Scott-Blliott, G. F 72
Scully, W.C 26
Searelle, Luscombe 72
Seccombe, Thomas 43
Segantini, Giovanni 37
de Segovia, Pablo 37
Seignobos, Charles 35
Selleck, W. C 80
SeUon, B. Mildred 84
Sergeant, Lewis 55
Service, Robert W 7
Seymour, Frederick H. A 37
Seym ">ur, Major-General .... 72
Seymc t. Lady 43
Shadweil, Thomas 6
Shakespeare, William 7
Shaw, Albert 65
Sheehan. Rev. P. A 26
Sheehy-Skeffington, F 43
Shelley, Percy 7°
Shenstone, Mildred 26
Sheppard, Arthur 86
Shervinton, Kathleen 44
Sherwood, A. Curtis a6
Shipp, John 46
Shirley, James 6
ShoU, Anna Maclure 26
Shuckburgh, B. S 55
Shuddick, R 86
Sibley, N. W 65
Sibree, James 73
Sidney, Margaret 84
Sigerson, George 7
Sillard, Robert M 44
Simpson, Wm. (Crimean S.) . . 84
Small, Albion W. 65
Smith, F. Clifford 26
T. FISHER UNWIN'S PUBLICATIONS.
INDEX of AUTHORS, some ILLUSTRATORS and EDITORS.— cowirf. vii
PACK
Smith, F. E 65
Smith, Goldwin 3, 40
Smith, Isabella 26
Smith, John 27
Smith, Mrs. S. H 44
Smith, T. Berkeley 72
Smyth, Eleanor C 41
Snell, F. C 76
Snow, Isabel 27
Sollas, W.J 76
Somerset, Lady Henry 86
Spelling, T. C 65
Spence, Catherine 21
Spicer, Howard 86
Spinner, Alice 27
Stacpoole. H.deVere 27,87
Stanley, Edward 55
Stead, Alfred 72
Stead, Richard 51
Stead, W. T 65
Steele, Richard 6
Stein, M. Aurel 72
Stephens, H. Morse 55
Stevens. Nina 27
Stevenj, William Barnes 65
Stilhnan, W.J 37
Stokes Sir William 44
Slopes, Mrs. C. C 65
Stott, Beatrice 27
Strachey, John St. Loe....5, 76
Strain, B. H 27
Strasburger, Eduard 72
Stratilesco, Tereza 72
Street, Eugene E 72
Stuart, C. Douglas 37
Stubbs, Chas. William 80
Sturgis, Russell 37
Stuttard, John 76
Summers, Dorothy 27
Sutclifie, Halliwell 27, 72
Svenske, Anders 65
Swain, A. E. H 6
Swift, Dean 44
Swift, Benjamin 27
Swinburne, Algernon Charles. 6
Symonds, John Addington . . 6
Symonds, Margaret 72
Symons, Arthur 6
Synge, Mrs. Hamilton 27
Tadema, L. Alma 59
Taine, Adolphe Hippolyte 72
Tayler, F. Jenner 28
Taylor, Austin 65
Taylor, Charles M 72
Taylor, Ellen '28
Taylor, J. F 43, 87
Taylor, Mrs. John 43
Tetley , J . George 44
Theal. Dr. G. McCall 57
Thomas, Edward 87
Thomas, Emile 58
Thomas, W. Jenkyn
P.^OE
Thomas, William J 34
Thompson, Helen Bradford . . 76
Thompson, H. Gordon 86
Thring, Rev. Edward 34
Thynne, R 28
Tirebuck, William 44
Todhunter, Dr. John 43, 87
Tomson, Graham R 4
Tourneur, Cvril 6
Townsend, C. W 72
Townshend, Dorothea 43
Tregarthen, Greville 58
Treherne, Philip 28, 44
Trelawny, Edward J 46
Troubridge, Lady 28
Trowbridge, W. R. H.. 28, 49, 58
Truscott, L. Parry 28
Tucker, Genevieve 82
Tuin, W. J 37
Tunison, Joseph S 7
Tumbull, A. R. R 73
Turner, Ethel 28, 84
Turner, Samuel 73
Turguan, Joseph 58
Twain, Mark 65
Tweeddale, John 28
Tynan, Katherine 7
Tyrrell, George 80
Unwin, A. Harold 76
Uuwin, Mrs. Cobden 62
Usher, Sir Thomas 42
Valentine, E. U 32
Vamb6ry, Arminius 44, 46, 58
Vanbrugh, Sir John 6
Vanderlip, Washington B 73
Vaughan, Henry 87
Veldheer, J . G 37
Verga, Giovanni 32
Verity, A. W 5
Viele, Herman K 32
Vierge, Daniel 37
Villari, Luigi 37, 65, 73
Villari, Pasquale . . . .42, 43, 58
Villars,P 46
Villiers, Brougham 65
ViUiers, Chas. Pelham ....60,66
Vincent, Arthur 45
Voigt, J.C 58
Volkhovsky, Felix 83
Wagner, Charles 80
Wallis, Braithwaite 73
Walpole, Sir Spencer 45
Walpole-Bond, J. A 77
Walsh, CM 7
Ward, Mrs. Humphry 85
Ward, W. C 6
Warden, Florence 32
Waring, Henry F 80
Warren, Algernon 86
PAGF.
Warry, C. King 32
Watson, Aaron 45
Watson, J ohn 77
Watson, John Reay 32
Watson, Margaret 3*
Watson, R. Spence 45 66
Watson, William 7, 46
Watts, Henry Edw 58
Webster, Alexander 58
Webster, H.Cayley 73
Webster, John 6
Welby, Lord 60, 66
WeUby,M.S 73
Wells, H.G 32, 34
Wendell, Barrett 3
Werner, A 73
Westell, W. Percival 77
Whadcoat, Gordon Cuming . . 82
Whistler, J . McNeill 35
Whitaker, Samuel F. G 7
White, Hester 32
White, William 66
Whitechurch, Victor L 32, 87
Whitehouse, H. Remsen 38
Whitman, Sidney ; 58
Whitty, E. M 59
Wiel, Alathea 59
Wilberforce, William 45
Wilkens, Mary E 32
Wilkinson, Kosmo 45
Williams, Leonard 83
Williams, Meta 83
Williams, Rowland £0
Willamson, C. N 32, 87
Williamson, W. H 32
Willmore, Edward 7
Wilson, Claude 73
Wilton, Jos 32
de Windt, Harry 73
Witchell, Charles A 77
Witt, Paul 32
Wood, Katharine B 82
Woods, H. C 73
Worsley, A. 80
Workman, Fanny Bullock .... 73
Workman, William Hunter. . . 73
Wright, Arnold 86
Wright, H. K 35
Wright, H. M 73
Wycherley, William 6
Wylwynne, Kythe 32
Yeats, Jack B 83
Yeats, W.B 7,32,34
Yeigh, Kate Westlake 32
Yeld, George 67, 73
Ystridde, G 33
Zimmermann, Jeremiah 73
Zimmern, Alice 59, 83, 85
Zimmem, Helen 59, 85
Zurbriggen, Mattias 73
INDEX in order of Titles
PAGE
Abbot (The) 26
Abyssinia (Sport and Travel). 69
Adam (Robert) Artist 35
Addresses 34
Adelphi Library (The ) «
Admiral Phillip 43
AdmiralVernon and the Navy 44
Adula Alps of the Leopo'itine
Range (The) 67
Adventure Series (The) .... 46
Adventures of a Bloc kade
Runner 46
Adventures of a Supercargo. . 10
Adventures of a Younger Son 46
Adventures of a Dodo 84
Adventures of James Sher-
vington lo
Adventures on the Roof of the
World 69
iEsop's Fables 83
Aga Mirza (The Adventures of) 18
Age of the Earth (The) 76
.Alexander's Empire 53
Alfred the Great 4
Almayer's Folly 13
Along the Labrador Coast . . 72
Alpine Memories 69
Alps (My Climbs in the) .... 71
Alps to the Andes (From the) 73
Amazing Duke (The) 20
Amaranthus 4
Amarj'Uis 14
Ambassador (The) 4
America (Literary History of) 3
American Civil War (Battles
and Leaders of the) 51
American Commerce 86
American Literature (Heralds
of) 2
American Literature (Short
History of) i
American Opinion of the
French Revolution 50
American Railway Organiza-
tion 61
American Scholar (The) .... 79
American Workman (The) ... 63
Among the Man-Eaters 68
Among the People of British
Columbia 69
Among the Syringas 21
Andes and the Amazon (The) 68
Anglo-Americans 12
Anglo-Italian Library (The ) . 66
Anglo-Saxon (The) 48
Animal Micrology 75
Animals I Have Known 74
Anne of Geierstein 26
Another Englishwoman's Love
Letters 22
Another View of Industrialism 59
Another Wicked Woman .... 22
Anthony Jasper 11
Antiquary (The) 26
Appreciation of the Bible
(The New) bo
Arabs (LiteraryHistory of the) 3
Arcady : for Better for Worse 51
Arden Massiter 10
Aristotle's Theory of Conduct 34
Armaments (The Burden of). 60
Army Refonn 62
Art and Artists (On) 36
Artist's Letters from Japan 69
PAGE
Artist Songs 6
Arts of Design (The) 37
As a Tree Falls 28
Ascent of Man (The) 74
As Others See Us 14
Aspirate (Tlie) 78
Assisi (Golden Sayings of
Giles of) 80
Assyria 54
Astronomy for Amateurs .... 75
Atrocities of Justice under
British Rule 59
Augustus (Life and Times of). 55
Australia (The Real) 67
Australian Bushrangers (His-
tory of) 48
Australian Commonwealth
(The) 58
Australian Girlhood (My).... 43
Australian Sheep and Wool. . 69
Austria 58
Autumn Leaves 19
Avocat Patelin (L*) 7
Awakening of a Race (The) . 59
Baboo English 86
Bachelor in Aicady (A) 27
Bachelor Maid (A) t6
Baile's Strand (On) 7
Baldwin 33
Balfour's Pamphlet (A Reply) 61
Balfourism 60
Balkans (The) 53
Bamford's Passages 59
Barbara Cunlifle 27
Barbarian Invasions in Italy. . 58
Barbary Corsairs (The; 52
Bards of Gael and Gall 3
Battles and Leaders of the
American Civil War 51
Beach and Bogland (By).... 9
Beaconsfield (Lord) 38
Beauclerk (Lady Diana) 35
Beauty Adorned 18
Beckwourth (James P., Life
and Adventures of) 46
Beetle (The) 21
Before I Forget 39
Begliojoso : A Revolutionary
Princess 38
Behind the Arras (From) 13
Belcaro 33
Belle Marie (La) 19
Belle Nivernaise (La) 83
Bending of the Bough (The) . . 6
Benyowsky (Memoirs and
Travels of) 46
Bergen Worth 20
Bernard (Claude) 38
Bernese Oberland (The) 67
Besant (Anne) 38
Betrothed (The) 26
Bible as English Literature
(The) 78
Big Game Shooting in South
Africa 68
Birdland (In) 76
Bird Life (British) 77
Bird Life in Wild Wales 77
Birds I Have Known 74
Bird Skinning and Bird
Stuffing 75
Bird's Nest (The) 77
bishop Doyle 40, 87
Black Dwarf 26
PAGE
Black Mary 20
Black Shilling (The) 9
Blue Gown (In the Land of
the) 70
Blue Lagoon (The) 27, 87
BlueLilies 12
Bog of Stars (The) 22, 87
Bohemia 53
Bohemia with DuMjurier (In) 36
Bonaparte in Egypt 48
Bond of Blood (The) 15
Bossism and Monopoly .... 65
Bourgeois (The) 27
Boy and the Angel (The). ... 82
Bradlaugh (Charles) 38
Brahmans (The) 79
Brand 5
Breachly (Black Sheep) 10
Breakfast, Dinner, and Supper
(Quickest Guide to) 82
Breitmann in Germany-Tyrol iq
Bride of Lammermoot (The) . . 26
Bright Days in Wterrie Eng-
land 69
Brightwen, Mrs. (Life and
Thoughts) 38
Brightwen Series (The) 76
Britain (Early) 49
British Bird Life 77
British City (The) 62
British Columbia (,'\mong the
People of) 09
British Diplomacy (The Story
of) 61
British East Africa 69
British History (Literary In-
fluence in) I
British India 50
British Industries under Free
Trade 60
British Political Leaders .... 42
British Regiments (Famous) . . 50
British Writers on Classic
Lands i
Brodie (Sir Benjamin) 38
Brooke (Rajah) 38
Brown (Captain John) 38
Brown Owl (The) 83
Brown, V.C 8, 85
Brownies in the Philippines . . 83
Buccaneers and Marooners of
America (The) 46
Buchanan (Robert) 38
Budapest 72
Buddhist India 49
Builders of Greater Britain.. 38
Bulgarian Exarcha^v. (Ync). . 63
Bundle of Life (A) 17
Burden of Armaments (The). 6o
Buried City of Kenfig 50
Burmese Language (Hand-
book of the) 78
Burton(The Real Sir Richard) 39
Bush Honeymoon (A) 8
Business of Life (The) 81
Butterfly (The) 76
Bygones Worth Remembering 41
Byron in Italy yo
Byzantine Empire (The) 54
Cabot (John and Sebastian).. 39
Ca meo Series (The) 3
Camera in the Fields (The) . . 76
Canada (Children's Study) , . 83
Canada (Story of the Nitions) 48
INDEX IN ORDER OF TITLES.-^»ft««crf.
Time
Climbing in the Knrakoram-
! Himjlavas 67
Canada To-day 69 , Climbs in the Alps (My) 71
Canada in Harvest
(Tlirough)
85 I Climbs in New Zealand Alps.
86! Climbs of Norman-Neruda 71
, , , 87'Clive (Lord) 39
Cape Colony (Everyday Life).' 68}Cobden and Jubilee of Free
Captain of the Locusts (The).. 73 I Trade 60
Captain Sheen 22 Cobden aj a Citizen 39
Canadian Contingent (The).
Canal System of England. . .
Canon in Residence(rhe) . .32
Cobden, Richard (Life of) . . .
Cobden (The Political Writings
of)
Capture of Paul Beck (The). . 11
Cardinal's Pawn (The) 21
Carding Mill Valley 19
Carl vie (Thomas) 39 j Cobden 's Work and Opinions
Carp'athian to Pindus (From) 72 jCogne (The Mountains of).
Carroll, Lewis (Life of) 39 Coillard of the Zambesi
Carroll Picture Book (The
Lewis) 35
Carthage • 49
Cartoons in Rhyme and Line. . 63
Case of Miss Elliott (The). ... 22
Case of Wagner (The) 34
Castle Dangerous 26
Cat and Bird Stories 76
Catharine Furze 25
Caucasus (Fire and Sword in
the) 73
Cause and Effect 21
Cause of Discontents in India 64
Cause of IndustrialDepression 63
Cavalleria R\isticana 32
Cecilia's Lover 9
Celtic Twilight (The) 7
Century Cook- Book (The) 82
Century Invalid Cookery Book 81
Century Library (The) 12
Century S cott (Th e) 26
Certain Personal Matters 32
Chaldea 54
Charing Cross to Delhi(From) 69
Chats on Book-Plates 35
Chats on Costume 37
Chats on Earthenware 36
Chats on English China 36
Chats on Old Furniture 36
Chats on Old Lace 36
Chats on Old Miniatures .... 35
Chats on Old Prints 36
Chats on Oriental China .... 35
Chats Series (The) 35
Chaucer's Maytime (In) 25
Chelsea Window Gardening. . 81
Children of Endurance (The). . 12
Children^s^Ljbr^ry (The) 82. 83
Children's Study (The) . 83
Chile 72
Chillagoe Charlie 84
China (Story of the Nations).. 4 9
China Cup (The) 83
China from Within 67
Chinaman (John) at Home . . 68
China under the Searchlight. . 6
60
39
60
66
67
39
Colette 26
Colonise England (To) 62
Comedy of Three (A) 26
Comingof Friars (The) 51
Coming of Parliament (The). . 51
Coming of Sonia (The) 27
Command of the Prince (By). 19
Commerce (American) 86
Commercial Travelling 86
Commissioner Kerr 41
Concerning Cats 4
Concerning Himself 32
Confessions of a Beachcomber ,66
Confessions of a Caricaturist 36
Confessions of a Match-Making
Mother 14
Congo (The) 68
Continental Outcast (The) . . 60
Convict Days (Old) 10
Co-operation (The History of) 62
Corner of Asia (A * 23
Cornish Whiddles 83
Corn Law Rhvmes 61
Counsels of the Night (The) . . 12
Count Robert of Paris 26
Countess Kathleen (The) 7
Country of Horace and Virgil 66
Country Parson (Trials of a) 51
Courage <io
Court Beauties of (Did White-
hall 58
Court Cards 12
Creek and Gully (By) 11
Cremer (The Life of W.
Randall) 42
Crete (The Palaces of) 36
Cricket 86
Cricket on the Brain 13
Crimean Simpson's Autobio-
graphy 44
Criminal Appeal 65
Criminal Justice (Our) 61
Criminal Sociology 33
Crimin ology Series (The) 33
Crimson Azaleas (The) 27
Cromwell and His Times 39
Crowd (The) 33
China's Business Methods 62 I Cruise of the Wild Duck (The) 14
Chinese History (A Sketch of) 54 1 Crusades (The) 47
Chinkie's Flat ; 10
Christ and the Nation 78
Christian Belief 78
Christian Democracy 78
Christian Origins 79
Christianity and the Bible . . 80
Christmas Berries 19
Churches and the Liquor
Traffic (The) 59
Cinderella 13
City (The) fi2
Civilisation (The History of) . 55
Clara Hopgood 25
Clearer Vision (The) 21
Clifi Days 25
Climbers' Guides 67
Climber's Note Book (The).. 73
Crystal Age (A) i
Cuba and International Re-
lations 60
Cuba and Porto Rica 69
Cults of India 79
Curiosities 22
Curzon (Lord). The Failure of. 61
Cut off from the World 11
Diugnter ot Patricians (A) . . . 26
Daughter of the Fen (A) 10
Dauphin V (The Central Alps of
the) .: 67
Dauphiny (Maps of the) 67
David the King 49
Davidson (Memorials of
Thomas) 39
PAGE
Davis (Thomas) A Short Life
of 39. 87
Davitt (Michael) 40
Dawn of Day (The) 34
Dawn of the 19th Century in
England (The) 47
Days Spent on a Doge'sFarm 72
Dazzling Miss Davison (The) . 32
Dazzling Reprobate (A) 28
Death, The Showman 15
Deeps of Deliverance (The).. 14
Deidre 7
Democracv and Reaction. ... 62
Derwent (Sir Frederick) .... 19
Desert Ways to Baghdad(By) 69
Desmonde, M.D 15
Destroyer (The) 27
Development of Christianity. 79
Development of Western
Civilization 50
Devil's Half Acre (The) 8
Devonshire House (The Story
of a) .39, 49
Diana's Hunting II
Diarvof a Dreamer 14
Diplomatic Relations of the
D S.A. and Spanish America 52
Disciple (The) 11
Discourse of Matters (A) .... 79
Discovery of the Future (The) 34
Disdainful Maiden (The) 83
Disestablishfnent in Frgince. . 64
Divine Presence (The) ; 79
Divorce ii
Doctor (The) 27
Doctor Gordon 32
Dog Book (The) 75
Dog Stories 76
Don Quichote 12, 37
Double Choice (A) 9
Double Marriage (A) 12
Doubt and Faith 78
Drama Of Sunshine (A) 25
Dramatic Traditions of the
Dark Ages 7
Dream and, the Business (The) 17
Dream Life and Real Life. ... 26
Dream Woman 32
Dreams 26
Driven 32
Dutch and Fleipjsh M.isters
(Old) 35
Dutch Towns (Old) 37
Dwarf-land and Cfipnibal
Country (In) 70
Dyer, John (Works of) 87
Earl's Cedars 19
Early Mountaineers (The). .. . 68
East Africa (British) 69
East Africa (Sport and Travel) 69
Eastern Asia (A Brief History
of) 50
Ebbing of the Tide (The) 10
Ebep Hojdien 9
Economic and Statistical
Studies 61
Economic Interpretation of
History 64
Editor's Sermons (An) 34
Education (Trend id Higher) . 78
Edward Barry 10
Effie Hetherington 1 1
Egypt (Ancient) ,53, 55
Egypt (Bonaparte in) 48
Egypt (The New) 66
Egypt (New Light on Ancient) 53
Egypt (Secret History of the
English Occupation of) ... . 48
Eighteenth Century Painter
(Memorials of an) 36
PAGE
El Dorado (In Search of) ... . 70
Eleanor Lambert (The Storv
of) '. II
Electoral Refonn 62
Elgivla, Daughter of the Thegn 16
Eliot, George (True Story of) 2
Elizabeth (Grandmother's ad-
vice to) i6
Elizabeth (Letters of her Mother
to) 16
Elizabeth of England (Prin-
cess) Correspondence of.. . . 40
Enchanted Castle (The) 84
Enchanted Garden (An) 83
Ending of My Day (The) 23
England (Children's Study).. 83
England (Bright Days in
Merrie) 69
England (Dawn of the iqth
Century inl 47
England (The Governance of) 63
England (The Industrial His-
tory of) 55
England's Title in Ireland . . 64
England (Mediaeval) 47
England (Modem) 52
England (The Monarchs of
Merry) 48
England (Parliamentary)
(1660-1832) 51
England (Socialist Movement
in) 65
England under the Coalition . . 48
English Cathedrals 37
English Cathedrals (Hand-
book of) 37
English China (Chats on) ... 35
English Essays from a French
Pen 33
English Novel in the Time of
Shakespeare (The) a
English People (The) 33
English People (Literary His-
tory of the) 2
English Public Opinion 50
English Sports (Old) 86
English Wayfaring Life 52
Epistles of Atkins (The) 21
Epoch in Irish History (An). . 53
Escalades dans les Alps (Mes) 71
Escapes of Latude and
Casanova (The) 46
Essays in Puritanism 79
Essays Political and Bio-
graphical 45
Ethiopia in Exile 71
Euphorion 33
European Military Adventures
of Hindustan 46
European Relations 14
Evans (Memoirs of Dr.
Thomas) 40
Evelyn Innes 21
Every Day Life in Cape Colony 68
Bve's Apple 13
Evolutions of World and Man 74
Expositions 77
Fabian's Tower 19
Face and How to Read it (The) 75
Facing the Future 28
Failure of Lord Curzon (The). 61
Fair Maid of Perth (The) 26
Fairy Tales (Irish) 83
Fairy Tales from Brentano
(New) 82
Faith of a Modem Protestant
(The) 77
Falls of the Loder (The) 19
Fanny Lambert 27
Far East (Peoples and Politics
in the) 71
PAGK
Far in the Forest 21
Fast Miss Blount (That) 18
Father Alphonsus 17
Father Felix's Chronicles .. 12
Father of Six (A) 23
Feather (The) 83
Female Ofifender (The) 34
Fihbusters (The Story of the) 46
Filigree BaU (The) 16
Finality of Christian Religion 78
Finn and His Companions .... 83
Finnish Legends 83
Fire to Fortune (Through) 8
First Aid to the Injured 85
First Fleet Family 11
First Folio Shakespeare(The) 7
First Novel Library (The) .... 15
First Watch (In the) . . 14
Fiscal Problem (The) 63
Fiscal Reform Sixty Years
Ago 66
Fisher Book (The Harrison) . 35
Fishes I Have Known 74
Fishing in Ireland 85
Fishing in Scotland 85
Fishing (What I have Seen
While) 75, 85
Fitch (Ralph) 40
Five Children and It 84
Five Little',Peppers 84
Five Talents of Women (The) 81
Flame and the Flood (The) . . 19
Flamma Vestalis 5
Florence (The History of) . . . 58
Flute oflPan (The) 17
Foma Gordveeff 15
Fool- KiUer (The) 12
Fool's Tax (The) 12
Football, Hockey, and Lacrosse 86
For Better ? For Worse ? . . 34
Forest Trees (Future) 76
Fortunes of Nigel (The) 26
Four Philanthropists (The) . . 18
France (Children's Study). ... 83
Franre (Journeys Through) . . 72
France (Literary History of), i
France (Mediaeval) 53
France (Modem) 52
Franks (The) 55
Free Food and Free Trade .... 62
French Ambassador (A) 52
French Court (Dames and
Daughters of the) 48
French Court (Pictures of the
Old) 47
French Literature (Essays in) i
French Literature (Manual of) i
French Masters (Modem).... 35
French Society (Heroines of) 47
Frivola 18, 33
Froissart (The Modem Chroni-
cles of) 61
Froissart in 1002-03-06 61
From One Man's Hand to
Another 11
Fuller (Margaret) Love Let-
ters of) 40
Fumiss (Harry) at Home.... 36
Furze Blossoms 19
Gael and Gall (Bards of the) . . 3
Gaelic Literature (Story of
Early) 2, 87
Game of Consequences (A) ... 19
Gardening for the Million .... 82
Genealogy of Morals (A) 34
General's Daughter (The) .... 23
Generation of a Norfolk House
(One) 51
Gentleman Upcott's Daughter 13
German Education 76
PAGE
German-English Conversation
Book 80
German Love Soiigs (Old) . . 6
Germany (Children's StuJy). . 83
Germany (Story of the Na-
tions) 47
Germany (The Evolution of
Modem)'' 68
Ginette's Happiness 16
Girlof the Multitude (A) 28
Gladstone Colony (The) 62
Gladstone (My Memory of). . . 40
Glimpses into Plant Life 74
God and the People 80
God's Scourge 4
Gods, Some Mortals, and
Lord Wickenham 17
God's Will 15
Goethe's Werke 4
Goethe (Life of) 40
Gogmagogs (On the) 14
Golden Sayings (The) 80
Good Men and True 41
Good Reading about Many
Books 33
Gordon (General) The Life of. 40
Gospels of Anarchy 33
Goths (The) 48
Gould-en Treasury (The) . . 62
Govemance of England (The) 63
Governace of London (The) . 50
Grain or Chaff 43
Grand Old Hills (Under
the) 19, 85
Grand Relations 15
Grandmother's Advice to
Elizabeth 16
Grattan (Henry) 49
Great Minds at One 33
Great Minds in Art 44
Great Noodleshire Election . . 14
Great Pillage (Before the) .... 51
Greater Love (The) 26
Greece (Story of the Nations) 55
Greece (Old Tales from) 83
Greek Anthology (A Chaplet
from the) . . .' 4
Greek Art (Introductory
Studies in) 36
Greek Sculptors (Ancient) .... 36
Green Cloth Library 28
Green Tea 26
Grey Man (The) 13
Guiana Wilds (In) 72
Guy Mannering 26
Gwilym (Dafydd ap) 2
Haeckel, Ernst (Life of) 41
Haileybury College 53
Halls (The) 37
Handbook of the Philippines. 73
Handy-Man Afloat and Ashore 86
Hansa Towns (The) 59
Happy-go-Lucky Land 34
Harvey (William) 41
Haunts of Men (The) Z2
Hawaii and Japan (Vacation
Days in) 72
Health at its Best v. Cancer 74
Heara (Cencerning Lafcadio) 40
Heart of the Empire (The) . . 62
Heart of Midlothian (The) 26
Heavy Laden 15
Hebrew Lesson Book (A) 79
Hebrew Life and Thought.. 50
Heine's Werke 4
Helen Adair 10
Hellenism (The Progress of) . . 53
von HelmhoUz (Hermann) . . 41
Heraans' Welsh Melodies
(Mrs.) 87
Herb Moon (The) 17
INDEX IN ORDER OF TlThHS.— continued.
Herb of Love (The) 14
Herbert (TheWorks of George) 87
Hermit of Cannel (A) 7
Heroic Adventure 42
Heroic Tales 59, 85
Herridge of Reality Swamp. 16
He that had received the
Five Talents 22
High Life in the Far East . . 14
High Tolicy 18
Highland Sister's Promise. .. . 19
Highland Widow 26
Hill (Sir Rowland) 41
Hillesden on the Moor 10
Himalaya (In the IceWorld of) 73
Historic Americans 79
History in Scott's Novels .. i
History of Co-operation
(The) 62
History of Jamaica 50
History of the Holy Eucharist 77
Holland S5
Holland House (The Pope of) 43
Home of the Dragon (The) ... 24
Hon. Stanbury (The) 24
Honour of the Flag (The) 251
Hookey 20
Horse (The) 33, 75
Horse (Psychology and Train-
ing of the) 75
Hotel d'Angleterre (The) 14
Hour Glass (The) 7
House by the River (The) 28
House of Arden (The) 84
House of Commons (Inner
Life of the) 66
Housewife's What's What . . . 8i
How to Arrange with your
Creditors 86
How to become a Commercial
Traveller 86
How to become a Private Secre-
tary 86
How to become a Teacher 77
How to be Happy Though
Married 81
How to Buy a Business .... 85
How to get Married 81
How to Know the Starry
Heavens 75
How to Punctuate (Stops) .... 77
How to Study the Stars 76
Hugh Wynne 21
Humours of Donegal (The) ... 20
Humorous Rhymes of Histori-
cal Times 53
Hundred Riddles of the Fairy
Bellaria 19
Hundred Years Hence (A) . . . 34
Hungary(Storyof theNations) 58
Hungary: Its People 51
Hungry Forties (The) 62
Hunter (John) 41
Husband of no Importance . . 25
Ideas of Good and Evil 7
Idle Hour Series (The ) i8
Illustration of Books (The). . . 36
Impossible Person (An) 13
Impressions of a Wanderer. . 70
Increase of the Suburbs (The) 63
India (The Brahmans of) . . 79
India (British) 50
India (Buddhist) 49
India (Cults of ) 79
India (Imperial) 69
India (Literary History of). .. i
India, Mediaeval 52
India (The Mystics, Ascetics,
and Saints of 79
India (" Prosperous " Brit-
ish) 68
PACK
India (Vedic) 55
India (Winter) 72
Indian Literature (Short His-
tory of) I
Industrial Influence of English
Patftit System 64
Industrial Depression (Cause
of) 63
Industrial History of England 64
Industrial Rivers of the U.K. S6
Inmates of my House and
Garden 74
Inner Life of the House of
Commons 66
Innocent of a Crime 32
Insane Root (The) 23
Inspiration and the Bible.... 78
International {The) 87
International Law 65
Interpreters (The) 11
Ipane (The) 68
Iphigenia in Delphi 4
Ireland (Children's Study) .. 83
Ireland (England's Title in) . . 64
Ireland (Story of the Nations) 52
Ireland (History of) 49
Ireland (Literary History of). 2
Ireland (Love Songs of) 7
Ireland (the Past History of). 54
Ireland : The Patriotic Par-
liament 49
Ireland (Young) 49
Irish Fairy Tales 83
Irish History (A Review of) . . 50
Irish Library (The New) 87
Irish Literature into the Eng-
Hsh Tongue 33
Irish Literature (The Revival
of) 33
Irish Memories 54
Irish Poems of Perceval Graves 4
Irish Song Book (The) . . 36, 87
Iron Gates (The) 17
Irving (Sir Henrv) 41
Isle of Man (The Story of the) . 53
Is Liberty Asleep ? 60
Italian Characters 39
Italian Masters (Old) 37
Italians (Lives of Great) 41
Italv (Ancient) 54
Italy (The Birth of Modern) . 53
Italv (Modem) 54
Italy (Studies in the i8th Cen-
tury in) 52
Italy (The Barbarian Inva-
sions of ) 58
I, Thou, and the Other One . . 9
Ivanhoe 26
Jamaica as It Is 71
Jamaica (A History of) .... 50
James Shervington 10
Japan (Stcry of the Nations) . 54
Japan (An Artist's Letters
from) 69
Japan, Our New Ally 72
iapan (Present-Day) 68
apan (The Real) 71
Java, the Garden of the East . 72
Jews (The) 50
Jews under Roman Rule (The) 54
ewish Literature (Short His-
tory of) X
Jilt's Journal (A) 25
Job (The Original Poem of) . . 78
John Jones, Curate 23
John Sherman 32
Johnson Club Papers 86
Josephine's Troubles 15
Journeys of Antonia (The) ... 14
Julian the Apostate 41, 54
J uvenile Offenders 34
PAGE
Juvenilia 33
Kafir Stories 26
Karakoram-Himalayas(Climb-
ing, &c., in the) 67
Karakorams and Kashmir ... 68
Keene (Charles), The Work of 37
Keith's Crime (Mrs.) 13
Kenfig (Buried City of) 50
Kenilworth 26
Khotan(Sand-Buried Ruins of) 72
King Leopold's Soliloquy. . 65
King's Threshold (The) 7
Kingdom of Twilight 25
Kit Kennedy 13
Kitty CosteUo 8 85
Kolokotrones : Klepht and
Warrior 46
Kruger (Paul), The Memoirs of 41
Labour and Other Questions
in South Africa 69
Labour ai d Protection 63
Labour and Victory 41
Labour Legislation 62
Labour Movement (The) 62
Labour Party (The) 64
Lady from the Sea (The) ..... 5
Lady Jean 50
Lady Killer (The) 27
Lady Mary of the Dark
House 32, 87
Lady Noggs, Peeress (The)
18, 84, 87
Lady's Honour (A) 11
Lake of Palms (The) 14
Lally of the Brigade 20
Land of the Blue Gown (la
the) 70
Langland's Vision of Plowman 2
Last Hours with Nature.... 75
Last Mackenzie of Redcastle 19
Last Step to Religious Equality
(The) 77
Latter-day Sweethearts .... 16
Laura's Legacy 27
Laurenson (Arthur) The Me-
moirs of 41
Law of God (The) 79
Lays of the Red Branch ..14, 87
Leader of Society (A) 47
Leaders of Men 43
Lear (Letters of Edward) ... 41
Leaves from the Life of an
Eminent Fossil 11
Legend of Montrose (The). .. . 26
Legend of St. Mark (The) 82
Legions of the Dawn (The). 25
Leithay's Banks (On) 19
Leopontine Alps (The) 67
Leaser's Daughter 14
Lessons from the World .... 79
Letters of Her Mother to Eliza-
beth 28
Lewell Pastures rg
Library of Literary History 2
Life and To-morrow 17
Life in a Crack Regiment 26
Life in the Open 71
Life in Two Hemispheres (My) \
(Duffy) 40
Life of an Empire ( The) 63
Life of Man on the High Alps . . 70
Life of Christ (The) 77
Light Eternal (The) 25
Lilac Sunbonnet (The) 13
Lincoln (Abraham) 42
Lindsay o' the Dale (A) .... 16
Links in My Life (Gambler) . 40
Lion's Whelp (The) 9
Literary History of America 3
Literary History of France. . . x
Literary History of India (A), i
PAGE
Literary History of Ireland (A) 2
Literary History of Persia (A). I
Literature History of Rome, i
Literary History of Russia., i
Literary History of Scotland 2
Literary History of the
Adelphi(The) 48
Literary History of the Arabs 3
Literary History of the Eng-
lish People (A) 2
Literary Influence in British
History i
Literary Life (My) (Mme.
Adam) 38
Literary " U " Pen (The) 87
Lithography and Lithograph-
ers 36
Little Entertainments 22
Little Glass Man (The) 83
Little Indabas 7°
Little Novels 20
Lives Worth LivingSeries(The) 42
Living Buddha (The) 18
Living Matter (Nature and
Origin of) 74
Liza of Lambeth 2 1
Locum Tenens (The) 32
^°r^I.^«^h^v^^^ ^" ^'^''^' .fijMemoirsofCharles Boner (The) 19
Liard^CoTm'un;s-(TheV- 1^ ! ^'emoirs of ConstanUne Dix .1
PAGE
Manors of Suffolk (The) 49
Maps of the Alps of the Dau-
phiny 67
Margaret Foster 26
Margaret Grey 9
Margaret Hetherton 85
Marguerite de Roberval 21
Mariana 4
Marionettes (The) 6
Marozia 16
Marriage by Capture (A) 11
Marriage deConvenance (A). . 18
Marsena 15
Master Mariner, A : Eastwick 46
Master Missionaries 41
Master Passions 16
Masters of Medicine 42
Match-Making Mother (The
Confessions of) 14
Mating of a Dove (The) 20
Matrimonial Institutions (A
Historv of) 51
Matterhom (The) 71
Mawkin of the Flow (The) 16
Meadowsweet and Rue 17
Mf and Myn 13
Media, Babylon, and Persia . . 55
Melpomene Papers (The) .... 15
Lombard Studies
Memoirs of Dr. Thomas Evans 40
r^T^n .f i.^^ni So I Mental Traits of Sex (The) . . 76
London at School 80 h,,„,.„^;,k (xr^„„ic ^t rio„™> '
London (The Governance of) 50
London Lovers 9
London Plane Tree (A) 5
Lonely Way (The) 3
Long Vigil (The) 27
Lord Maskelvne's Daughter 19
Lost Heir (The) 16, 85
Lost Land (The) 14
Love Affairs of Some Famous
Men 41
Love and the Soul Hunters. . . 17
Love Cure (A) 28
Love is not so Light 13
Love in the Lists 21
Love Letters of Margaret Ful-
ler 40
Love Songs of Ireland 7
Love Songs of Robert Burns . . 3
Meredith (Novels of George)
Mermaid Sieries (The ) 5
Messianic Hope (The) 79
Mexico 50
Mexico (S. A. Series) 68
Mid Pleasures and Palaces.. 19
Mimi's Marriage 21
Millionaire (The) 28
Millionaire's Courtship (A). . 20
Milly and Oily 85
Minister's Experience (A) . . 79
Minister's Guest (The) 26
Minor Poet (A) 5
Mirabeau the Demi-God. .44, 58
Miri^io 6
Miriam's Schooling 25
Mischief of a Glove (The) .... 13
Miserrima 22
Love Triumphant 21, 85 ! Mis-rule of .Three (The) 2S
Lucas Malet Birthday Book. . 32 | Missing Friends 46
Lucie and 1 13 [ Mister Bill : A Man 20
Luncheons 82 Mistress of Langdale Hall. 19, 85
Lyrics (M. F. Robinson) 6
M.A.B 87
Mabinogion (The) 20, 87
Mabinogion (Tales from the) . . 83
Machiavelli, Niccolo (Life
of) 42
Madagascar (Robert Drury).. 46
Madagascar before the Con-
quest 72
Mademoiselle Ixe 3:4
Mad Sir Uchtred 13
Magic Oak Tree (The) 83
Magic of the Pine Woods 19
Maid of Maiden-lane (The). .. . 9
Mai tland (Sir Thomas) 42
Major Weir 21
Makar's Dream 19
Making of a Saint (The) 21
Man and Maid 22
Man-Eaters (Among the) 68
Man in the Street (The) 12
Man's Love (A) 27
Man's Mind (In a) 32
Man who was Afraid (The) ... 15
Manners for Girls 81
Manners makyth Men 81
Model. Factories 63
Modernism
Modern Monarch (A) 20
Modern Travel Series (The ) . 70
Moff 28
Moffat, Robert and Mary
(Lives of) 42
Molly Darling i8
Monarch Series (The) 53
Monarchs of Merry England
(The) 48
Monastery (The) 26
Monism (Concepts of) 80
Monsieur Paulot 18
Mont Blanc (The Chain of ) . . . 67
Moonlight ao
MocrandFell(By) 27,72
Moors, Crags of the High Peak 66
Moors in Spain (Thej 52
More about Wild Nature 74
Mother, Baby, and Nursery.. 82
Mother Goose (The True) 84
Motherhood 28
Mother of Pauline (The) 28
Motor Car (The) 85
Motor Cars 86
PAGB
Motor Cracksman (The) is
Motorists' ABC 85
Mountain Adventure (True
Tales of) 69
Mountaineers (Early) 68
Mountaineering in the Land
of the Midnight Sun .... 70
Mountaineering in the Sierra
Nevada 69
Municipal Government in Con-
tinental Europe 65
Municipal Government in
Great Britain 65
Municipal Lessons from S.
Germany 63
Musical Composers (Famous). 42
Mutineer (The) 11
My Home in the Shires .... 19
My Lady's Garden (In) .... 76
Myra of the Pines 32
Mysterious Psychic Forces . . 75
Mystery of Laughlin Islands ii
Mystery of Muncraig (The). . . 22
Mystery of Sleep (The) 33
Mystery of theCampagna (A). 14
Mvstics, Ascetics and Saints of
India (The) 79
Nancy Noon _ . 27
Naomi's Exodus 21
Napoleon's Court (A Queen of) 47
Napoleon's Last Voyages . . 42
Natal (Tales from) 73
National Cook Book 81
National Credit 62
National Finance 59
National Finance, 1908 50
National Liberal Federation
(The) 66
Native Wife (His) 10
Naturalist (Life and Thoughts
of a) 38
Naturalist (Recreations of a) 75
Naturalist (Travels of a) 75
Nature and Origin of Living
Matter 74
Nature and Purpose in the
Universe 76
Nature Studies 76
Nature's Story of the Year ... 77
Near East (Trave.s and Politics
in the) 70
Need and Use of Irish Litera-
ture 33
Ne'er-do-Weel (A) 12
Negro-Nobodies 70
Neighbours 14
Nero, and other Plays 6
New Arcadia (The) 6
New Chronicles of Don Q. .. 23
New Egypt (The) 66
New England Cactus (A) 18
New Guinea (Through) 73
Newspaper Making (The Art
of) 85
New Spirit of the Nation
(The) 34, 87
New Zealand Alps (Climbs in
the) 68
Nietzsche : His Life and
Work 34
Nietzsche (The Philosophy of
Friedrich) 34
Nine UnUkely Tales 84
Noble Haul (A) 25
No Place for Repentance .... 22
Norfolk and Suffolk Coast
(The) 68
Norman-Neruda (The Climbs
of) 71
Normans (The) 51
INDEX IN ORDER OF TmLBS.—conlmucd.
Norway 48 Personal Matters (Certain)
Nun-Ensign (The) 37 ~ ' ' - - --
Nutcracker and Mouse King 83
Nyria 23
Of Una 6
Old Bailey 50
Old Brown's Cottages 27
Old Hall (The) 19
Old Man's Darling (An) 12
Old Mortality 26
Old Tales from Greece 83
Old Tales from Rome 85
Old Time Aldwych 50
Old Time and New 44
Olive in Italy 14
Omnibus, De 22, 87
Once Upon a Time 83
O'Neill, Owen Roe 43, 87
Only a Kitten 84
Opportunity of Liberalism . . 65
Oriental Campaigns and Euro-
pean Furloughs 42
Orientations 21
Original Poem of Job (The) . . 78
Ottilie 19
Outcast of the Islands (An) ... 13
Outcasts (The) 15
Outlaws of the Marches 16
Overseas Library (The) 74
Pacific Tales 10
PACK
.. 32
Personal Story of the Upper
House. (The) 45
Peru 68
Peter Halket (Trooper) 26
Peveril of the Peak 26
Philippine Islands (The).... 68
Phoenix and the Carpet (The) 84
Philosopher in Portugal 72
Phoenicia 55
Physiology(Studies in General) 75
Pillage (Before the Great) 51
Pinto, Ferd. Mendez, the Portu-
guese Adventurer 46
Pirate (The) z6
Place of Animals in Human
Thought 34
Plant Histology (Methods in) 75
Plato's Dream of Wheels 34
Play-Actress (The) 13
Plays of Beaumont, &c., see
Index of Authors
Please M'm, the Butcher ! 81
Poems of Mathilde BUnd (A
Selection from) 3
Poems of Mathilde Bhnd'(The
complete) 3
Poems of Giosn6 Carducci.. 4!
Poems of William Cowper
(The Unpublished) 4
Poems of John Dyer (The) ... 4
Poems of M. F. Robinson (The i
Collected) 6
PAGE
Queen of a Day (The) .... 15
Queen of Napoleon's Court (A) 47
Quentin Durward 26
Quests of Paul Beck (The)., xi
Quiet Hours with Nature .... 74
Quincy Adams Sawyer 22
Quotations for Occasions 82
Raffles (Sir Stamford) 43
Raiders (The) 13
Rainy June (A) 22
Raleigh (Sir Walter) 4, 43
Ranch Life and the Hunting
Trail 72
Random Roaming 51
Ranger's Lodge (The) ...... 19
Recipes for the MilUon 82
Recreations of a Naturalist . . 75
Red Cloth Library (The) 30
Pagan's Love (A) r, ^"^"^^ (W. B. Yeats) 7
i-agan S LOve (A) . 13 p . , pengione fThel ,S
Pages from a Journal 25
Pain : Its Causation 76
Painter's Honeymoon (A) 26
Palaces of Crete (The) 36
Panama Canal To-day (The). 67
Papacy (The) 78
Papal Monarchy (The) 47
Paradise Court 15
Paris (Forty Years of) 52
Parish Providence (A) 20, 87
Paris-Parisien 7
Parker, Dr., and his Friends.. 43
Parnell Movement (The) 54
Parthia
Particular Book of Trinity
College (The) 53
Party Organisation 63
Passion of Mahael (The) 11
Passports 8
Pathless West (In the) 69
Patriot Parliament of 1689
(The) 49, 87
Patriotism under three Flags. 63
Patsy 27
Patten Experiment (The) ... 20
Pax and Carolina 82, 83
PecuUar History of Mary Ann
Susan (The) n
Peers or People 65
Peking Garden (Round About
My) 70
Penelope Brandling 19
Pennine Alps (Central) 67
Pennine Alps (Eastern) 67
Pen Portraits of the British
Soldier 16
Pentamerone (The) 82
People of Clopton 10
Peoples and Politics in the
Far East 71
Perceval (Spencer) 00
Peril of Change (In) -7,1
Peril in Natal (The) 61
Perils of Josephine (The) .... i6
Perils of Sympathy (The) 27
Persia 47
Persia (Literary History of ) . . i
! Poet and Penelope (The) 28
j Poland 54
; Policy of Free Imports (The) . 61
Political Advertiser (The) 61
Political Crime 34
Political Parables 60
Pohtical Situation (The) 65
Pope of Holland House (The) 43
Pope's Mule (The) 82
Popular Copyr ight Novels . . 23
Port Arthur (Siege of) 51
Portent (The) '20
Porter, Endymion (Life and
Letters of) 43
Portraits of the Sixties 42
Portugal 55
Portugal (A Philosopher in) . . 72
Power of Charactor (The) . . 78
Prayers, Poems and Parables 79
Prince's Marriage (The).... 32
Prisoners of Conscience .... 9, 85
Prison Escapes of the Civil
War 46
Problem of Existence (The) . . 34
Problem of Prejudice (The) . . 12
Process of Government (The) 59
Professions for Girls 85
Programme of Modernism
(The)
Progress of Hellenism (The) .
Progress of PriscilJa (The) ....
" Prosperous " British India.
Protection and Employment .
Protection (Side-Lights on) . .
Provence( Roman tic Cities of) 67
Proverbs, Maxims, &c., of all
Ages 33
Psalms and Litanies 80
Pseudonym Library (The) 23, 24
Psychology and Training of
the Horse 75
Psychology of Child Develop-
ment (The) 78
Public Purse and the War
Office 59
Public Speaking and De-
bate 62, 86
Redgaun tlet 26
Red Laugh 8
Red-litten Windows (Through
the) 16
Red Rubber 63
Red Sphinx (The) 32
Red Star (The) 20
Reef and Palm (By) 10
Reformer's Bookshelf (The) . . 64
ReHgion and the Higher Life 78
Religion and Historic Faiths 79
Religion of the Plain Man.. 77
Religious Songs of Connachtj, 78
Religious Equality (The Last
Step to) 77
Renaissance Types 52
Renunciation 27
Retaliatory Duties 61
Retrospect 6
Revelation and the Bible 78
Revolution in Tanner's Lane 25
Rhodesia (Pre-Historic) 68
Rhymer (The) 20
Ricrof t of Withens 27
Ridan the Devil 10
Riding, Driving, and kindred
Sports 86
Rights of Man in America . . 79
Riviera (Rambles on the) .... 72
Riviera (The) 70
Robert Orange 17
Robinson Crusoe 82, 83
Rob Roy 26
Rock and Pool (By) 10
Rock Garden of Ours (That) 75
Rodin (Life and Work of
Auguste) 36
Rodman the Boatsteerer .... 10
Romance of theFountain(Thc) 19
Romance of a Hill Station ... 19
Romance of a King's Life. . . 52
Romance of a Lonely Woman 22
Romance of a Midshipman . . 25
Roman Empire (The) 51
Roman Life under the Caesars. 58
Rome (Children's Study) 83
Rome (Story of theNations) . 50
Rome and Pompeii 66
Rome (Literary History of) i
Rome (Mediaeval) 53
Rome (Old Tales from). .. .59, 85
Romola 68
Rose Geranium (The) 12
Rose, Shamrock and Thistle 19
Rosemonde 27
Rossetti (Dante Gabriel)
(Letters of) 43
Rousing of Mrs. Potter (The). 22
Royal Quartette (A) 47
Royal Rascal (A) 16
Rus Divinum 3
Russia 54
INDEX IN ORDER OF TITLES.— con//»tterf.
PAGE P AGR
Russia and its Crisis 63 I Shervintons (The) 44
Russia (Literary History of) . . i ; Sherwood Forest (The Scenery
Russia Under the Great of) 71
Shadow 05, 73
Russian Priest (A) 23
Rutherford, Mark (The Auto-
biography of) 25
Rutherford's Deliverance 25
Sacrifice (The) 13
SaghaUen Convict (The) 19
Saints in Society Q
St. Mark (The Legend of) 82
St. Mark's Indebtedness to St.
Matthew 77
St. Ronan's Well 26
St. Stephen in the Fifties . . 59
Samhain 34
Sand-Buried Ruins of Khotan 72
Sanitary Evolution of London
(The) 62
Shilling Reprints of Standard
Novels 31, 87
Shipp (Memoirs of the Mili-
tary Career of John) 46
Shorter Plays 7
Shulamite (The) 8, 87
Siberia , 73
Siberian Klondyke (In Search
of a) 73
Sicily 50
Side-Lights on Protection . . 65
PACK
South American Republics
(Rise of the) 49
South American Series (The) . 72
Spain (Children's Study) 83
Spain (Story of the Nations). 58
Spain and her People 73
Spain (The Bridle Roads of) 67
Spain (Modem) 51
Spain (The Moors in) 52
Spain (Saunterings in) 72
Specimen Spinster (A) 32
Spectre of Strathannan (The) 22
Speeches on Questions of Pub-
lic Policy 60
Siege of Port Arthur (The) . . '. 51 iPl^^f-SV ^^°,[\ ^'^^®' ' ' ^^
Splendid Cousin (A) 14
Spoiled Priest (A) 26
Sport and Travel : Abyssinia
and British East Africa 69
Sports Library (The) 86
Squire Hellman
Siena (Guide to) 69
Siena and her Artists 37
Sierra Nevada (Mountaineer-
ing in the) 69
Sign of the Peacock (At the) 261
Silas Strong 9 I
c,i.i"^' i'tiIIC en i Silk of the Kine 20 Squire to Prince (From) 49
Saracens u nej o , g.^^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^1^ ^^ Stansfeld (James) 44
Sir^field rPatrickWLife of) 4V 87 Silver Christ (The) 22 Starry Heavens (How to
Savaef Club (T^^^^^ 45 Simon Ryan the Peterite 18 Know the) 75
SavaleEurooe (Through) ■■ 73 Simpson (Sir James Y.) 44 Stars of Destiny. 28
savage turope u nrougnj ._. 73 Sinner's-Comedy (The) 17 1 Stem of the Crimson Dahlia
Sins and Safeguards (The) . . 79 (The)
Girolamo (Life
43
Savonarola,
c„oIli;r,V,r;^n' nM«'tiAn " 'iTh,^\ fie Siren's Net (The) ....... 25 • Stephen Kyrle
l^?^^?s^,fr.S»f rEn<.?an'd 'l Sister of M^rie Antoinette(A) 47 I Stic'kit Minister (The)
Schiller's Dramas in England 3
Schiller's Werke 7
School for Saints (The) 17
School of Art (The) 27
School Out-of-Doors (Our) ... 79
Schulz Steam Turbine (The) 85
Scott's Novels (History in) . . i
Scotland (Children's Study) . . 83
Scotland (Story of the Na-
tions) S3
Scotland (Literary History of) 2
Scottish Literature (Short His-
tory of) 2
Scottish Seals (History of) 47
Scrambles in the Eastern
Graians 73
Sea and the Moor (The) 19
Sister Teresa 22
Sisters of Napoleon (The) . . 58
Sisters of Omberslcigh 19
Situations of Lady Patricia.. 28
Six Girls 18, 85
Sixpenny Editions. 31
Sixty Years of an Agitator's
Life 41, 62
Skipsey (Joseph) 45
Slave Power (The) 79
Slave to College President
(From) 45
Sleeping Fires 15
Slight Indiscretion (A) 12
Smith and Modern Sociology
(Adam) 6s
Sea Children 83 | Smugglers and Foresters . . ig
Search of El Dorado (In) . . 70 | Social Classes in a Republic. 79
Searchers (The) n j Social Ideas of Alfred Tenny-
Secret History ofthe English ] son 33
Occupation of Egypt 48
Secret of Petrarch (The) 2
Secret Rose (The) 7
Secret of the Sargasso (The) . 84
Segantini (Giovanni) 37
Segovia (Pablo de) 37
Seneca (Tragedies of) 6
Sentinel of Wessex (The) 32
Seven Nights in a Gondola . 12
Seven Splendid Sinners .... 58
Seventeenth Century Men of
Latitude 78
Sex and Society 34
Shacklett 10
Shadowy Waters (The) 7
Shakespeare in France 2
Shakespeare the Man 3
Shakespeare's Church 35
Shakespeare's Complete Son-
nets 7
Shakespeare Studied in Eight
Pla)^ I
Shakespeare Studied in Six
Plays I
Shakespeare Studied in Three
Plays I
Shartieless Wayne 27
She Loved Much ir
Shelley in Italy (With) 70
Shen's Pigtail (The) 24
Social Message of the Modern
Pulpit 60
Social Reform (Towards) 59
Socialist Movement.inEngland 65
Society in a Country House . . 49
Society in the New Reign 34
Society of To-morrow (The) . . 63
Sociology (General) 65
Some Emotions and a Moral. . 17
Somerset House 54
Son of Arvon (A) 23
Sonof Don Juan (The) 4
Song of a Single Note (A) ... 9
Songs of a Sourdough 7
Songs of the Uplands 5
Sorrow's Gates (Through) . ... 27
Soul of a Priest (The) 20
Soul's Departure (The) 7
Souls of Passage 9
South Africa (Story of the
Nations) 57
South Africa (Big Game Shoot-
ing) 6S
South Africa (Fifty Years of
13
Stokes (WiUiam) 44
Stolen Waters 12
Stops, or, How to Punctuate. . 77
Stories from Fairyland .... 82, 83
Story of the Amulet (The) . . 84
Story of a Crystal Heart(The) 23
Story of a Devonshire House 39, 49
Story of an Estancia (The) . . 13
Story of a Puppet (The) ...82, 83
Story of My Struggles (Vam-
bery) 44
Story of the Nations (The ) 56, 57
Stray Thoughts of R. Wil-
liams 80
Stronger than Love 8
Stuarts (The) 50
Studies by a Recluse 51
Studies Historical and Critical 58
Studies in Biography 45
Studies in Black and White. . 86
Studies in Genera! Physiology 75
Study in Colour (A) 27
Study of Temptations (A) 17
Suburbs (The Increase of the) 63
Suffolk (The Manors of) 49
Sullivan (Barry) 44
Summer Shade (In) 21, 87
Sunny Days of Youth (The).. 81
Supreme Moment (A) 27
Surgeon's Daughter (The) 26
Susannah 20
Swanwick (Anna) 44
Sweden's Rights 65
Swift, Dean (Unpublished
Letters of) 44
Swift in. Ireland 44. 87
Swiss Democracy (The) 63
Switzerland 51
Sword and Pen (With) 18
Sydenham (Thomas) 44
Sylvia in Society 11
Tale of a Town (The) 21
Tales about Temperaments . . 17
the History of) 58 i Tales from Natal 72
South Africa, Labour and
Other Questions 69
South Africa (Little History of) 57
South African History (The
Tales from Plutarch 2^, 84
Tales from Spenser 84
Tales of John Oliver Hobbes 17
Tales of the Pampas 67
Beginning of) 57 j Tales of tiie- Transvaal 72
INDEX IN ORDER OF TlTli^S.— continued.
PACK
T:)1p« o{ Unrest 13
Ta'cs told in the Zoo 84
Talisman (The) 26
Talks about the Border Regi-
ment 85
Taxes on Knowledge 60
Teacher and the Child (The) . . 79
Temple (The) 4, 78
Tempting of Paul Chester
(The) 8
Ten Sermons 79
Tenants of Beldomie (The) . . 19
Terror of the Macdurghotts
(The) 22
Tessa ti
That Girl 28,84
Theism and Atheism 79
They Twain 25
Third Experiment (The) 19
Thomas Atkins (Mr.) 16,87
Thousand Pities (A) 28
Three Dukes 32
Three Generations of English-
women 43
Three of Them 15
Threshing Floor (The) 13
Thursday Mornings at the
City Temple 77
Thus Spake Zarathustra 34
Thyra Varrick 10
Tibet and Chinese Turkestan 68
Tibet (Through Unknown)... 73
Todi (The Range of the) 67
Tom Gerrard 11
Tongues of Gossip 26
Tormentor (The) 27
Tourgueneff and his French
Circle 44
Towards the Heights 80
Towards Social Reform 59
Town and Jungle (Through). . 73
Town Child (The) 60
Toxin 22
Traitor's Wife (The) 32
Tramps Round the Mountains
of the Moon 69
Transient andPermanent(The) 79
Transplanted Daughters 16
Transvaal (First Annexation
of the) 52
Transvaal (Tales of the) 72
Travels of a Naturalist 75
Treasure Seekers (The) 84
Treasure Seekers (New) 84
Trend in Higher Education . . 78
Trinity Bells 10
Trinity College (Particular
Book of) 53
Triple Entanglement (A) .... 16
Trooper Peter Halket 26
Tropic Skies (Under) 11
True Tales of Mountain Ad-
venture 69
Turbines (Steam) 85
Turf Smoke (Through the) ... 20
Turkey 52
Turkey and the Armenian
Atrocities 47
Tuscan Republics, with Genoa 49
Tussock Land 8
Twelve Bad Men (Lives of ) . . . 43
Twelve Bad Women 45
Two Countesses (The) 14
Two Standards (The) 10
Two Strangers (The)
PAO K
Tychiades 14
Uganda to Khartoum 70
Ultima Verba 3
Uncle Jem 32
Under the Chilterns 24
Under the Pompadour 18
U.S.A. and Spanish America
(Diplomatic Relations of) . . 52
University Problems in the
U.S.A 78
Unprofessional Tales 22
Unfilled Field (The) 22
Unwin's Green Cloth Library 28
PAGE
Well-Sinkers (The) 71
Welsh Fairy Book (The) 84
Welsh Library (The) 87
Unwin's Red Cloth Library . . 30
Unwin's Sixpenny Ed itions . . 31
Unwin's Half-Crown Standard
Library of History and
Biography 45
Unwin's Nature Books .... 76
Unwin's Popular Series for
Boys and Girls 85
Unwins Shi lling Reprints of
Standard Novels 31, 87
Unwins Theological Library 80
Up from the Slums 19
Upper Berth (The) 13
Uprising of the Many (The).. 64
Up-to-Date Beginner's Table
Book 79
Up-to-date-Tables (Weights,
&c.) 79
Vagrant Songs 6
Valois Queens (Lives and Times
of the Early) 47
Value and Distribution 61
Vamb6ry (Arminius) His Life 44
Vani ty 25
Vanity Fair (In) 11
Variety Stage 37
Vaughan (Henry) 87
Vedic India 55
Veldt and Kopje (By) 26
Venice 59
Village Politician (A) 60
Vineyard (The) 17
Vocations for Our Sons 86
Vulture's Prey (The) 27
Wagner (The Case of) 34
Wakefield (Edward Gibbon). . 45
Wales (Story of the Nations) . . 49
Wales (A Short Story of) 49
Wales (Mediaeval) 52
Wales (The Statutes of) 59
Wanderer (A), and Other
Poems 5
Wander Years Round the
World 71
Warp and Woof 5
War to Date (The) 55
Washed by Four Seas 73
Washington Society (Forty
Years of) 44
Washington (The Youth of) . . 45
Was it Right to Forgive ? . . . . 10
Watcher on the Tower 16
Waterloo (Before and After) . 55
Waverley 26
Way to Keep Well (The) 82
Ways of Men (The) 15
Wellington's Operations 1808-
1814 48
Welsh Literature (Short His-
tory of) 87
Welsh People (Tlie) ........ 58
Wer Ist's 86
Wesley and his Preachers .... 45
West African Empire (The
Advance of Our) 73
West Indies and the Spanish
Main 55
West Indies (A Guide to). .. . 71
Westminster Cathedral (The) 37
What I Have Seen While
Fishing 75. 85
What is Religion ? 77
When Wheat is Green 32
Where There is Nothing 7
Which is Absurd ; . 16
White-Headed Boy (The) 10
White Umbrella (A) 26
White Woman in Central Africa 67
Who's Who in Germany.... 86
Why not, Sweetheart ? i6
Wide Dominion (A) 66
Wilberforce (W^m.) (Private
Papers of) 45
Wild Honey from Various
Thyme i
Wild Life in Southern Seas ... 14
Wild Nature Won by Kindness 75
Willowdene Will 27
Winning Hazard (A) 8
Winter India 72
Wisdom of Esau (The) 12
Wisdom of the Wise (The) .... 4
Wise Words and Loving
Deeds 40
Wistons 8
Wit of the Wild (The) 75
Within Four Walls 7
Wizard's Knot (The) 10
Woman (The) 15
Woman and the Sword (The) 20
Woman's Own Lawyer(Every) 82
Woman's Suffrage (The Case
for) 65
Woman's Wanderings (A) .... 40
Woman's Work and Wages . . 60
Woman Thou Gavest (The) . . 28
Woman Who Vowed (The) . . 16
Women Adventurers (The) . . 46
Wonderful Weans 20
Woodlanders and Field Folk . 77
Woodstock 26
Wordsworth's Grave 7
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NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, Sec— conn, lued. 12
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13 NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, Sec— continued.
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NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, &.G.— continued. 14
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15 NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, &.Q.— continued.
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21 NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, Sco.—conUnucd,
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ALEXANDER (Mrs.).
Brown, V.C.
Stronger than Love.
Through Fire to Fortune.
A Winning Hazard.
BARR (AMELIA E.).
I, Thou, & the Other One.
Prisoners of Conscience.
Was it Right to Forgive?
BECKE (LOUIS).
By Reef & Palm,
The Strange Adventures
of James Shervington.
Tessa and The Trader's
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BUCHANAN (ROBERT).
Effie Hetherington.
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The Play Actress and
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The Stickit Minister.
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Half Round the World for
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FRENCH (H. W.), : ,u sriT
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Ginette's Happiness.
HOBBES (JOHN OLIVER).rrTai i^a
The Herb-Moon. ^'^^^^^
McMANUS (L.).
Lally of the Brigade.
^^^? D • r njGPfcM .TiaesM
A Rainy June.
RITA. ' '-"^^323H
The Ending of My Dd^/^^^^H
Vanity 1 The Confessions
of a Court Modiste.
RUSSELL (W. CLARK). /MflOO
The Romance of a Mid- ;
shipman.
SALA (GEORGE AUGUS-AHqi O
TUS). .^ .,,7 "
Margaret Forster.^, ^.^;-.n,^
SCHREINER (OLIVE). ' " '" '"''
Trooper Peter Halket.
POTAPENKO (J.). Russian Priest. See Pseudonym Library. No. 7.
• General's Daughter. See Pseudonym Library. No. 17.
• Father of Six. See Pseudonym Library. No. 26.
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T, FISHER UNWIN'S PUBLICATIONS.
NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, ScG.— continued.
24
PSEUDONYM LIBRARY, THE.— continued.
10) John Sherman, & Dhoya.
By Ganconagh (W.B.Yeats).
11) Through the Red-Litten
Windows. By Theodor
Hertz-Garten.
12) Green Tea. A Love Story.
By V. Schallenberger.
13) Heavy Laden, and Old
Fashioned Folk. By Use
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Russian Stories. By V.
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By Frank Pope Humphrey.
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lated by Eliz. M. Edmonds.
17) The General's Daughter.
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18) The Saghalien Convict,
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ter. By Tom Cobbleigh.
20) A Splendid Cousin. By
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21) Colette. By Philippe St.
Hilaire.
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23) A Study in Temptations.
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24) The Cruise of the "Wild
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25) Squire Hellman, and
Other Finnish Stories.
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26) A Father of Six, and An
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by W. Gaussen.
27) The Two Countesses.
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Mrs. Waugh.
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John Oliver Hobbes.
29) Cavalleria Rusticana, and
Other Tales of Sicilian
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vanni Verga. Translated
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V. O. C. S.
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Translated by Helen A.
Macdonell.
(32) Dream Life and Real Life.
By Ralph Iron (Olive
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(34) A Bundle of Life. By John
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23 NOVELS, SHORT STORIES, Sec— continued.
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STORY OF THE NATIONS, THE. The volumes occupy about
400 pages each, and contain respectively, besides an Index
and Coloured Map, a great many Illustrations. The size is large cr.
8vo. There are published now (Autumn, 1908) 65 volumes, which
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List of Volumes,
[For full Titles see under Authors' names.']
(I
Rome: From the Earliest
Times to the End of the
Republic. By Arthur Gil-
man, M.A.
(2) The Jews. By Prof. James
K. Hosmer,
(3) Germany. By S. Baring-
Gould, M.A,
(4) Carthage. By Professor
Alfred J, Church, M.A.
(5) Alexander's Empire. By
John Pentland Mahaffy,
D,D.
(6) The Moors in Spain. By
Stanley Lane-Poole.
(7) Ancient Egypt. By Prof.
George Rawlinson, M.A.
(8) Hungary, By Professor
Armmius Vambery.
(9) The Saracens : From the
Earliest Times to the Fall
of Bagdad. By Arthur
Oilman, M.A,
(10) Ireland. By the Hon.
Emily Lawless.
(11) Chaldea: From the Earliest
Times to the Rise of Assyria.
By Zenaide A. Ragozin.
{12) The Goths. By Henry
Bradley.
(13) Assyria : From the Rise of
the Empire to the Fall of
Nineveh. (Continued from
" Chaldea.") By Zenaide
A. Ragozin.
(14) Turkey. By Stanley Lane-
Poole.
(15) Holland. By Prof. J. E.
Thorold Rogers.
(16) Mediaeval France. By
Gustave Masson, B.A.
(17) Persia. By S, G, W. Ben-
jamin.
(18) Phoenicia. By Prof . George
Rawlinson, M.A.
(19) Media, Babylon and
Persia : From the Fall of
Nineveh to the Persian
War, By Zenaide A.
Ragozin.
(20) The Hansa Towns. By
Helen Zimmern.
(21) Early Britain. By Prof.
Alfred J. Church, M.A,
(22) The Barbary Corsairs.
By Stanley Lane-Poole.
(23) Russia. By W, R. Morfill,
M.A.
(24) The Jews under Roman
Rule. By W. D, Morrison.
(25) Scotland. By John Mack-
intosh, LL.D.
(26) Switzerland. By Lina
Hug and R. Stead.
(27) Mexico. By Susan Hale.
(28) Portugal. By H, Morse
Stephens, M.A.
(29) The Normans, By Sarah
Orne Jewett.
(30) The Byzantine Empire,
By C. W. C. Oman, M.A.
(31) Sicily: Phcenician, Greek,
and Roman. By Prof. E.
A. Freeman.
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Tyrol, see The Eastern Alps.
The United States, with Excursions
to Mexico, Cuba, Porto Rico and Alaska.
With 33 Maps and 48 Plans. Fourth
edition. 1909. Net 15s,
Complete List — English, French, and German — free on application.
THE ORDNANCE SURVEY MAPS.
/WlR. T. FISHER UN WIN has pleasure in announcing
* that he has been appointed by His Majesty's Govern-
ment sole wholesale agent for the Small Scale Ordnance
Survey and Geological Maps of the United Kingdom.
UTiLITY OF THE MAPSm—^or general views of the structure
of the country, the distribution and relation of mountains, plains,
valleys, roads, rivers, and railways, the Ordnance Maps, practically
the result of generations of work, are unsurpassed. Being Govern-
ment publications they are the official maps from which all others
have to be prepared.
LUOIDITY AND REUABiUTY.-Owing to the exceedingly
fine draughtsmanship and engraving of Ordnance Maps, and the
good paper they are printed upon, they will be found perfectly
legible. They give a vast amount of information, yet they are easy
to read and understand. They are being constantly revised and
brought up to date, and may be regarded as of unimpeachable
accuracy,
OOMVEMIEHT FORM OF THE MAPS,— The maps can be
obtained folded in such a way that they will go easily into the
r^ci i pocket, and need not be opened to their full extent for inspectioa, but
M t'^ can be examined a section at a time, like the pages of a book. This
greatly facilitates outdoor reference in stormy weather.
DIFFERENT SCALES AND OHARAOTERiSTtOS,-
The maps are on the scales of i, 2, 4, lo, and 15 miles to the inch.
The one-mile. to-the-inch maps are ideal for pedestrian and cross-
country purposes, being on a large and legible scale, with great
wealth of topographical 'detail. The two-mile-to-the-inch maps in
colour are the standard maps for all-round touring purposes,
especially as road maps for motoring, cj'cling and walking. Special
attention is directed to the new sheets of this scale on the " Layer
system." The four miles, ten miles, and fifteen-miles-to-tbe-inch
maps are practically indispensable to motorists and cyclists travelling
long distances. They are also specially suitable as wall maps for
educational purposes.
OATALOOUEm — The complete Catalogue containing full details of
prices, with directions for ordering ma{>s, will be sent post free to
any address on request.
Indian Government Publications.
MR. T. FISHER UNWIN has been appointed Agent by
the Secretary of State for India for the sale of these
publications. They include a variety of works on Indian
History and Archaeology, Architecture and Art, Botany and
Forestry ; Grammars of the different Indian Languages —
Dafla, Kurukh, Lepcha, Lais, &c. ; and the valuable series of
maps of the Indian Ordnance Survey.
Catalogues will be sent on application.
T. FISHER UNWIN. 1, Adelphi Terrace, London.
A^
TAWASSIA, Giovanni.
Saint Francis of Assisi,
BQX
7380,
.T3